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Photographic 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 

CIHIVl/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 

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THE 


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EXAMINATION 


OF 


JOSEPH  GALLOWAY,  ESQ., 


1  ^'<. 


COMMITTEE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 


EDITED    BY    THOMAS    ItALCH. 


Ciuo  MuuiJVtb  aiii)  jFiftj)  Copits  iDtiuttI). 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PiUNTED  FOR  THE  SEVENTY-SIX  SOCIETY. 

T.   K.   AND  P.   G.   COLLINS,  PllINTEKS. 
1855. 


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THE 


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EXAMINATION 


OF 


■,  ft--; 


JOSEPH    GALLOWAY,  Esq; 

Late  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly 
of  Pennsylvania. 


BEFORE 


THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS, 


IN  A  COMMITTEE 


ON  THE  AMERICAN  PAPERS. 


WITH 


EXPLANATORY  NOTES. 


LONDON: 

Printed  for  J.  Wilkie,  No.  71,  in  St.  Paul's  Church-yard. 

MDCCLXXIX.       V    _      /^ 

[Price  Two  Shillings.] 


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■  i: 


The  Council  of  the  Seventy-six  Society  thouglit  it  advisable 
to  present  this  reprint  of  this  well-known  though  almost  inac- 
cessible pamphlet.  The  character  and  talents  of  Mr.  Galloway, 
the  opportunities  which  he  ])ossessed  of  obtaining  information, 
the  facts  stated  by  him  and  the  weight  attached  to  them  by 
writers  in  his  own  and  later  days,  have  made  this  examination 
a  document  of  some  historical  importance.  A  few  notes,  de- 
signated by  brackets,  have  been  added  by  me.  I  had  intended 
to  append  others,  but  I  refrained  when  I  reflected  that  many  if 
not  all  of  the  members  of  the  Society  were  quite  as  well  or 
better  acquainted  than  myself  with  this  period  of  our  history. 
Those  which  are  given  are  chiefly  on  MS.  authority;  and  I 
here  return  my  thanks  to  those  gentlemen,  who  have  favored 
me  by  access  to  their  papers,  particularly  Mr.  Thompson  West- 
cott.  The  book  cited  as  Pennsylvania  Letters  is  No.  2396  D, 
liOganian  Library. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  we  have  no  full  and  truthful 
history  of  the  loyalists,  of  their  numbers,  of  the  measures 
which  they  devised,  promoted  or  prcvenied,  of  tlic  motives 
which  actuated  them,  and  consequent  upon  this  the  classes  into 
which  they  were  divided,  of  the  influence  which  they  exercised 
and  its  effects.  Numerous  isolated  facts  or  notices  are  to  be 
found  in  works  relating  to  the  Eevolution,  and  Mr.  Sabine's 
Loyalists,  and  Cuncen^s  Journal  (edited  by  Mr.  Ward),  are  valu- 
able so  far  as  they  go.  But  a  work  embracing  the  entire  sub- 
ject is  yet  to  be  written,  as  part  of  the  materials  for  which  this 
reprint  of  Mr.  Galloway's  examination  may  not  be  without 
value. 


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Q,  ir  so  largo  ii  proportion  of  tho  peoplo  ol"  Ainericn  were 
so  averse  to  inclependcnce,  why  have  they  suffered  their  present 
rulers  to  obtain  so  much  power  over  theui  as  to  prevent  any 
efiectual  exertion  in  su])port  of  their  i)rinciples  ? 

A.  The  Congress  having  prevailed  upon  a  very  small  part  of 
the  pe()])l)  to  take  up  arms,  under  the  })retenee  of  obtaining  a 
redress  of  grievanees;  and  having  an  army  composed  of  those 
people  under  their  command,  and  subject  to  military  discipline, 
they  disarmed,  or  caused  to  be  disarmed,  all  persons  whom  they 
thought  disaffected  to  their  measures,  or  wished  to  be  united  to 
this  country,  contrary  to  their  scheme  of  Independence.*  I  have 
the  resolves  of  Congress,  dated  2d  January,  177(3,  at  my  house 
to  that  purposef. — Tliey  went  so  far  as  to  disarm  (by  sending 


•7? 

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vain,  empty,  shallow,  and  ridiculous  project,  that  could  possibly  enter  into  the 
heart  of  man. — I  do  not  believe  there  are  Jire  hundred  on  the  Conlmeni,  who  have 
the  least  pretensions  to  common  sense,  who  would  not  risque  their  dearest  blood 
•o  prevent  such  measures." — Even  so  late  ns  the  time  of  declaring  the  Colonies 
independent,  the  Congress  who  were  appointed  by  a  very  few  of  the  people,  and 
these  the  most  disaffected,  found  it  an  arduous  task  to  accomplish  it. — Their  de- 
bates lasted  near  a  fortnight,  and  when  the  question  was  put,  six  Colonies  divided 
against  si.\  ;  the  Delegates  for  Pennsylvania  being  also  divided,  the  question  re- 
mained undecided. — However,  one  of  the  Members  of  the  Colony  who  had  warmly 
opposed  it,  being  wrought  upon  by  Mr.  Adams's  art,  changed  his  opinion,  and 
upon  the  (luestion  the  next  day,  it  was  carried  in  the  affirmative  by  a  single  vote 
only.  [This  account  of  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania  as  to  the  Declaration,  conflicts 
with  that  given  by  Chief  Justice  McKean. — Christopher  Marshall's  Diary,  Ap- 
pendix. ] 

*  [Isaac  Ogden,  Counsellor  at  Law,  New  York,  to  Mr.  Galloway,  in  Loudon. 

"New  York,  l-'eb.  0,  1770. 

'•  The  Stale  of  New  Jersey  has  again  taken  the  lead  in  passing  a  law  declaring 
"  all  persons  from  that  Province,  under  the  protection  of  the  king's  troops,  guilty 
"of  high  treason,  and  their  estates  forfeited.  In  consequence  of  this  la\r,  my 
"father  and  myself,  with  many  others,  have  had  judgments  entered  against  us, 
"  our  estates  declared  forfeited,  and  our  real  estates  advertised  for  sale  on  the 
"first  day  of  Miin'li.J 

f  Extracts  from  the  Journals  of  Congress,  January  lid,  1770. 

"  —  .\nd  with  respect  to  all  such  unworthy  Americans  as,  regardless  of  their 
duty  to  their  Creator,  their  country,  and  their  posterity,  have  taken  part  with 
our  oppressors,  and,  influenced  with  the  hope  and  possession  of  ignominious  re- 


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two  battiilioiis  into  Qaccu's  county,  in  the  province  of  Now  Y'ork, 
for  rhat  purpose)  a  large  niinibcr  of  the  people  of  that  district, 
for  no  other  reason  but  because  they  voted  against  sending  a 
member  to  the  Convention  of  New  York ;  they  totally,  as  I  may 
say,  disfranchised  them ;— they  Avould  not  suft'er  them  to  trade  or 
be  traded  with;— they  suffered  them  to  be  sued,  but  would  not 
let  them  sue  in  their  courts  of  justice;  they  would  not  suffer  them 
to  pass  out  of  their  district  on  any  account  * — By  these  meaiis  the 


1 

!    ?. 


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Tvnrdi?,  strive  to  recommcml  tbcmselvos  to  the  bounty  of  r>,ilniinistratioii,  by  mis- 
representing and  traducing  tlie  conduct  and  principles  of  the  friends  of  American 
liberty,  and  opposing  every  measure  formed  for  its  preservation  and  security; 

"  Rrsolvcd,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  dirtcrent  Assemblies,  Conventions, 
and  Committees  or  Councils  of  Safety  in  the  I'nited  Colonies,  by  the  most  speedy 
and  effectual  measures,  to  frustrate  the  mischievous  machinations,  and  restrain 
the  wicked  practices  of  these  men  : — And  it  is  the  opij  ion  of  this  Congress,  that 
they  ought  to  be  disarmed,  and  the  more  dangerous  anuiiig  tlicm  either  kept  in 
safe  custody,  or  bound  with  sufficient  sun  :ies  to  their  good  behaviour.  And  in 
order  that  tlie  said  Assemblies,  Conventions,  Committees,  or  Councils  of  Safety 
may  be  enabled,  with  greater  ease  and  facility,  to  carry  this  resolution  into  exe- 
cution, 

"  liesulvcd,  That  they  be  i  uthnrizcd  to  call  to  their  aid,  whatever  continental 
troops,  stationed  in  or  near  their  respective  colonies,  may  be  conveniently  spared 
from  their  more  immediate  duty ;  and  the  cnmnmnding  officers  of  such  troops 
are  hereby  directed  to  afford  the  said  Asseml)lies,  Conventions,  Committees  or 
Councils  of  Safety,  all  l^uch  assistance,  in  executing  this  resolution,  as  they  may 
require,  and  which,  consistent  with  the  good  of  the  service,  may  be  supplied." 

*  Extracts  from  the  Journals  of  the  Congress^  January  3d,  1770. 

"  Resolved,  That  all  such  persons  in  Queen's  Co\uity,  as  voted  against  sending 
Deputies  to  the  present  Convention  of  New  York,  and  named  in  a  list  of  dclin- 
(jueuts  in  Queen's  County,  published  by  the  Convention  of  New  York,  be  put  out 
of  the  protection  of  the  United  Ci>Iouies,  and  that  all  trade  and  intercourse  with 
them  cease;  that  none  of  tiie  inhabitants  of  tiiat  county  be  permitted  to  travel 
or  abide  in  any  part  of  these  United  Colonies,  out  of  their  said  county,  without 
a  certificate  from  the  Convention  or  Committee  of  Safety  of  the  colony  of  New 
York,  setting  forth,  That  such  inhabitant  is  a  friend  to  the  American  cause,  and 
!iot  of  tlie  number  of  those  who  voted  against  sending  Deputies  to  the  said  Con- 
vention; and  that  such  of  tlie  said  inhabitants,  as  shall  be  found  out  of  the  said 
county,  without  inch  certificate,  be  aii[)rehended.  and  imprisoned  three  months. 

"  /{esolrcJ,  That  Colonel  Natiianiel  Heard,  of  Wooclbridge,  in  the  colony  of  New 
Jersey,  taking  will:  '  iai  five  or  si';  hundred  minute-men    under  discreet  officers, 


!■ 


Mercurii,  16°  die  Jtinil,  1779. 

COMMITTEE  on  PAPERS  presented  by  Mr.  De  Grey, 
the  19th  of  March  last,  pursuant  to  Address. 

Mr.  MONTAGU  in  the  Chair. 


JOSEPH  GALLOWAY,  Ksci;  culletl  in,  und  examined  by  Lord 

CrKOliGE  GERMAINE. 

Q.  llow  long  have  you  lived  in  America? 

A.  I  have  lived  in  America  from  my  nativity  to  the  month 
of  October  last,  about  forty-eight  years ! 
.  Q.  In  what  part ;  and  what  public  office  have  you  held  ? 

A,  I  have  lived  in  the  province  of  ^laryland,  in  the  Delaware 
counties,  and  in  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  chiefly  in  Phila- 
delphia, ^fy  pubUc  profession  was  that  of  the  law. — I  jiractised 
in  all  the  courts  of  Pennsylvania,  iu  those  of  the  Delaware 
counties,  and  in  the  supreme  courts  of  New  Jersey. — I  was  a 
member  of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  eiglitcen  years — • 
Speaker  of  the  House  twelve. — I  was  ajjpointed  by  the  Assem- 
bly of  that  province  to  attend  the  American  Congress,  which 
met  the  5th  of  September  ITT-l. — During  the  last  war,-*  under 
appointment  of  the  same  Assembly,  I  was  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners for  disposing  of  the  money  granted  to  the  crown,  and 

*   ["  TliP  Frencli  bikI  TiHinn  Wnr."l 


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have  been  several  timcri  a  Commissioner  to  treat  with  the  In- 
dians;  and,  when  Sir  \Villi;im  Howe  took  jiossession  of  the 
city  of  riiihulelphia,  at  liis  re(inest  I  un(U"rtook  the  office  of 
Superintendant  of  the  Tolioe  of  the  eity  of  I'liihulelphia  and  its 
snburhs,  of  the  Tort,  and  of  the  j)rohibited  Articdes, 

Q.  When  did  you  come  over  to  the  British  army,  and  how 
long  did  you  continue  with  it? 

A.  I  oauu-  over  to  the  royal  iiriiiy  in  the  beginning  of  Decem- 
ber 1770,  and  ('(Mitiuucl  with  it  until  the  evacuation  of  Phila- 
delphia, on  the  L'Sth  ol'.iuut'  last." 

Q.  At  the  beginning  of  the  present  rebellion,  when  the  inha- 
bitants first  took  u[)  arms,  had  the  people,  in  general,  indcjieud- 
ence  in  view  ? 

A.  I  do  not  believe,  from  the  best  knowleilge  I  have  of  the 
state  of  America  at  that  time,  that  one-fifth  of  the  people  had 
indepeuileuce  in  view. — I  wish  wlien  I  give  an  opinion,  always 
to  give  my  rea.sons  for  it. — ^i'he  progress  of  the  spirit  of  indo- 

*  [Mr.  riiillowiiy  wont  to  llii^tliitiil  in  1778. 

He  i\]ipi'iirs  to  h.ive  tluMi  jroiic  to  Now  Vork,  iind  to  liavo  roninim'cl  tlicro 
until  till  full.  1  fiiiil,  iinidii^.'  ntliov  letters  tu  liiin  iliiteil  Now  Vork,  .Nov.  1778, 
■wliieli  sjioiik  of  his  ".suiMeii  ik'imrturo,''  ono  from  Wm.  I'riinklin,  (who  ii.ul  licon 
Royal  (iovornor  of  Now  Jersey,)  diitcJ  Now  Vo  k,  Nov.  l<i,  177S,  from  whicii  I 
ninke  the  following  extract:  — 

"Mvi)i:\u  I'ltiKNi):  I  roturnoil  hero,  from  my  lotifr  unil  horrihlo  confinement 
"in  Connocticiit,  the  lust  ihiy  of  (letober:  but  my  Joy  whs  (rroiitly  ihim|ie(l  on 
'•fitiilin;:  tlmt  you  inul  snilo'l  for  iliivihitiii.  1  hiul  almost  ileterminoil  to  follow 
"you,  either  in  this  jiacket.  or  in  the  lleet  which  is  to  sail  witli  the  conunia- 
"  sioners.  lint  an  uinvill'MivKoss  to  i|iiit  the  sceiu'  of  action,  where  1  think  I 
"might  ho  of  service  if  anything  is  intemled  to  ho  clone,  has  iinlnccd  me  to 
"remain  until  lean  iliscover  what  turn  our  affairs  are  likely  to  take."  The 
reasons  of  his  ile]iartui'e  fio-  Kiiglaml  are  liiiis  given  in  a  letter  from  one  of  his 
frienils,  thiteil,  ".New  York.  Nov.  "Ji',  177.S — Soon  after  you  hail  emliarkoil,  Mr. 
"  IMon"  [one  of  the  Ilritisli  Commlssiouors]  "exjiressoil  to  me  his  .surjirise  ut 
"your  suilden  resolution.  1  hul  no  other  answer  to  make,  but,  that  your  un- 
"comforlable  situation  hero  [iroiluced  such  a  visible  eti'cet  \i\m\\  yo\ir  sjiirits, 
"  that,  in  sjiite  of  the  risk,  none  of  your  friends  could  advise  you  to  stay.  ('id. 
"Dalfour  als(j  took  iin  oipjioitunity  one  iliiy  of  womlering  that  you  ventured  to 
"go,  and  added,  that  your  trciitmeut  had  been  cruel  beyond  all  exuniide."] 


5 


pcTulcncc  was  very  gradual.  So  early  as  the  year  ITri-i,*  there 
were  men  in  America,  I  may  say  in  the  towns  of  Boston,  New 
York,  Philaclcl[)hia,  and  Williamsburg,  who  held  indo])cndencc 
in  prospeet,  and  who  were  determined  to  seize  any  opportunity 
that  oftered  to  promote  it,  by  procuring  additional  persons  to 
their  number. — These  men,  when  the  Stamp  Act  was  passed, 
matle  a  stalking-horse,  or  screen,  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  law 
in  every  purt  of  Amerii!a,  to  cover  their  designs,  and  to  sound 
th(^  trumpet  of  opposition  against  Government;  but  avowed, 
that  their  couduet  was  on  the  gro\md  of  obtaining  a  redress  of 
Americau  grievances,  and  not  witli  a  design  to  sei)arate  the  two 
countries. — Upon  this  ground,  I  am  eonlident,  the  gentlemen  of 
the  law  acted.  When  the  Tea  Act  was  passed,  tliey  made  the 
same  use  of  the  merchants  who  wci'c  smugglers  in  America,  as 
they  had  done  of  the  lawyers  before,  still  declaring,  that  they 
meant  not  independence. — So  late  as  tlie  sitting  of  the  Congress 
in  177-i,  the  same  men,  when  charged  with  it  in  Congress?,  and 
whilst  they  held  it  tenaciously  and  religiously  in  their  hearts, 
they  almost  to  a  degree  of  profanity  denied  it  with  their  tongues 
— and  all  tliis  was  done  on  iheir  knowledge,  that  the  great  bulk 
of  the  people  of  North  America  was  averse  to  independence. — 
If  we  look-  at  the  resolves  of  Congn^ss,  down  almost  to  the  very 
period  of  iheir  declaration  of  independence,  we  shall  find  the 
same  language,  the  saiiu!  pretence  of  obtaining  a  redress  of 
grievances,  lu^d  out  U)  tlu;  people.  Aw\  for  tlie  same  reason, 
at  the  very  time  they  declared  independence,  they  gave  out, 
that  it  was  not  with  a  view  to  a  total  separation  of  the  two 


'if 


*  [I'liiii'a  tlazclle,  Mnij  lil2,  1755.  Gov.  Robert  Hunter  Morns,  in  Lis  nics- 
snue  (May  HI)  to  tin-  iissi'iiilily,  wiys:  "  Voiir  llesolutioiis  an-,  iiinl  linvc  licoii,  to 
"taku  aclvniitajfc  of  your  country's  danj^fr,  to  npigramli/.i'  ami  rrmler  permanont 
♦'your  own  power,  iiud  destroy  that  ol'  the  Crown.  TlnU  it  is  I'nr  this  purpose, 
"  und  to proiniitc  ijottr sclicmeof  fiiluri:  imhiifinhiiiii,  you  are  )j;rns|iing  lit  t!'  'ispo- 
"sition  ol'thc  puMic  money,  imd  at  the  power  ol'  tilling  nil  the  offices  of  (ioveru- 
"nient,"  &e.  See  al.o  Mr.  lialKiwiiy  to  Dr.  Franklin,  l^parh''  rniiiUiii,  vli.  .".On, 
for  hiu  opinion.s  in  ITi'ii'i.  J 


y  ( 


r 


countries,  but  I'rom  necessity;  becraise,  unless  they  declared 
iudependcncc,  the  powers  of  Europe  would  not  trade  with  them, 
and  they  were  in  great  distress  for  want  of  a  great  many  foreign 
necessaries. — So  that,  from  all  these  circumstances,  I  am  con- 
vinced, that  not  one  fifth  part  of  the  people  had  independence 
in  view'"' ! 


I 


t 


*  Mr.  Galloway  here  adileJ, — "1  think  I  may  safely  say,  not  one-tenth  part 
had  indepenJf  .0  in  view  ;'' — which  opinion  will  appear  to  be  founded  in  truth 
from  the  following  circumstances.  The  instructions  given  to  the  Delegates  in 
Congress  were  partly  in  the  following  words  : — To  the  Delegates  from  New  Hamp- 
shire,— "to  restore  that  peace,  harmony,  and  mutual  confidence,  which  once 
happily  subsisted  between  the  parent  country  and  her  Colonies." — To  the  Dele- 
gates of  Massachusetts  Bay, — "  to  determine  on  measures  for  the  restoration  of 
union  and  harmony  between  (Jrciit  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  mast  anlt'tithj  desired 
by  ail  (joml  mm." — To  the  Delegates  of  Uhoile  Island, — "to  consult  upon  proper 
measures  to  establish  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Colonies." — To  the  Delegates 
of  Connecticut, — "  for  advancing  the  best  good  of  the  Colonies." — The  Delegates 
from  New  York  and  New  .lersey  had  no  jiarticuliir  instructinns. — The  Delegates 
from  Pennsylvania  were  enjiiineil—'- to  consult  upon  the  present  unhappy  state 
of  the  Colonies,  and  to  form  and  adojit  a  plan  for  the  purposes  of  obtaining  a 
redress  of  .American  grievances,  ascertaining  American  rights  upon  the  most  solid 
and  constitutional  principles,  and  for  establishing  that  union  and  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  Colnnies.  wliicli  is  so  indi>p'onsably  necessary  to  the  welfare 
and  happiness  of  buth." — The  Dolegntes  finni  the  Delaware  Counties  were  eon- 
fined  tri—"iinidiiit  and  Itiirfiil  mrasiirea  fur  obtaining  a  redress  of  the  general 
grievances," — The  Delegates  froni  Maryland  and  Virginia  were  cniifineil  to  niea- 
Hiu'es — "  ojierating  on  the  conimercial  coniiei'iiiii  of  tlieColnnies  with  the  mother- 
country,  and  :i>eedily  to  procure  the  vitiirn  of  tiiat  liiiniiinui  and  iinidii,  so  bene- 
ficial to  the  whole  natio"  and  so  ardently  desired  />;/  nil  Jirilmli  Aiiiciicd." — And 
the  instructions  from  N  h  anil  .South  Carolina  were  to  the  same  purport. — In 
the  Letter  to  the  People  of  (Jui'bec.  the  Congress  declare,  that  "  their  eonfedera- 
ti'iM  li.'is  no  other  olijei'ts,  lh;iM  the  pcvt'crt  scc\iilty  ol  the  iiiitural  and  civil  rights 
of  all  the  eipnstituerit  inciiibcrs  of  the  llritisli  ^iovcrnincnt,  according  to  tlicir  re- 
spective t'irciuiistaiH'es,  and  the  ]'i'i'M'rvation  of  a  happy  and  /iinliii;/  cnniierticn 
with  (Ireat  Ilrituiii.  on  siiluiary  mul  ri,)i.iii/ii/iniHil priiiri/ih.i,'' — .\nd  in  n  pamphlet 
jiublished  in  vindication  of  the  con  luot  of  the  Congress,  intitled.  "  The  other  Side 


iif  the  (Question.  &e,"  tl 


ire  oblijrcl  to  make  the  (ullowing  declaration,  to  refute 


the  charge  brought  against  them  of  intending  to  establish  independence,  viz. 


"As  to  the  thoi!;rlit  of  est:ili!ishiMg 
necliun  utili  (Jreut  Uriiain,  and  becm 


I'public  in  America, — lii-r'ih'iii/  ofi'  viir  cnii- 
;'  independent, — 1  consider  it  as  the  most 


i 


9 

AvoU-affectcd  part  of  America  to  this  government  became  dis- 
armed, and  tlio  arms  were  put  into  the  hands  of  those  on  whom 
the  Congress  could  rely — a  small  part  of  the  people.  If  we  look 
into  the  history  of  this  kingdom,  so  early  as  the  great  rebellion 
in  1040,  we  shall  find  the  very  fact  alluded  to  in  the  question, 
actually  existing  in  the  state  of  this  kingdom. — We  shall  find 
the  people  taking  up  arms,  in  order,  as  it  was  said,  to  obtain  a 
redres!?  of  grievances. — We  shall  find  a  few  i)Cople  at  that  time, 
who  had  arms  in  tlieir  hands,  preventing  tlie  rest,  numerous  as 
they  were,  from  taking  measures  for  their  relief''. 

do  nmrcli  to  the  western  part  of  Queen's  County. And  thatColonenVnterbury, 

of  Stanford,  in  t'le  colony  of  Connecticut,  witli  tlie  like  number  of  minute-men, 
marcli  to  the  eastern  side  of  suid  county; — tliat  they  confer  together,  aiiJ  cu- 
Jenvour  to  cuter  the  said  county  on  one  day ;  tliat  they  proceed  to  disarm  every 
person  in  the  said  county,  who  voted  against  sending  Deputies  to  the  said  Con- 
vention, and  cause  them  to  deliver  up  their  arms  and  ammunition  on  oath  ;  and 
that  they  talse  and  confute  iu  safe  custody,  till  further  orders,  all  such  as  refuse 
compliance." 

*  After  the  Congress  had  deluded  a  few  of  the  most  imprudent  and  violent  of 
the  people  to  associate  in  arms,  and  had  obtained  an  army  in  the  field,  they  im- 
mediately took  measures  to  disarm  those  who  retained  tlieir  loyalty,  and  pave 
opposition  to  their  design.  This  opposition  appeared  in  a  variety  of  instances  ; 
but  they,  imme<liately  on  its  appearance,  took  measures  to  suppress  it.  If  pam- 
plilets  were  wrote,  condemning  their  conduct,  the  printer  who  presumed  to  publish 
them  was  obliged  to  fly  his  country,  and  his  office  was  seized.  If  any  gave  oppo- 
sition at  elections  to  their  candidates,  they  were  threatened,  and  intimidated  from 
voting,  imprisoned  and  disfranchised.  If  any  refused  their  Continental  money 
at  the  nominal  value,  they  were  ordered,  by  a  resolve  of  Congress,  11  th  January, 
1770,  to  be  treated  as  h'lirmien  to  (heir  CotiiUr;/,  and  precluded  from  all  trade  or 
intercourse  with  the  inhabitants.  And  by  another  Resolve,  dated  January  14, 
1777,  they  forfeited  the  value  of  the  laiuN,  goods,  or  oommot'ities  offered  to  be 
sold,  and  the  debts  in  payment  of  which  it  was  tendered.  And  further  to  intimi- 
date the  Loyalists,  and  ell'ectually  to  prevent  their  taking  measures  for  their  re- 
lief, laws  were  jiassed  by  the  New  .States,  declaring  "  That  if  any  person  should 
be  adherent  to  the  King  of  Great  Hritain,  or  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States, 
by  giving  him  or  tliem  aid  or  assistance,  he  should  be  adjudged  guilty  of  High 
Treason."  And  even,  "  If  any  person  sliould,  by  writing  or  speaking,  obstruct 
or  oppose  the  measures  carried  on  by  the  United  States,"  he  should  be  p\iiiished 
by  fine  and  imprisonment.     If  ary  body  of  men  rose  in  faviuir  of  (lovernment, 

2 


i  ■  i 


m 


I. 


S 


yj  >i ;, 


R 


1' 


/./r 


■.  .iu;*KSE:w;  W3?r- 


in 


10 

Q.  After  the  declaration  of  Independent',  -when  Tiord  IIoavo 
and  the  General  arrived  at  Stulcu  Island,  did  the  people  at  largo 
in  the  country  express  a  desire  to  treat  with  the  Commissioners? 

A.  I  believe,  in  the  Middle  Colonies,  where  I  resided,  it  was 
very  generally  the  wish  of  the  people  to  treat  with  the  King's 
Commissioners ;  and  I  have  the  best  reason  to  believe,  tliat  it 
was  in  pursuance  of  the  clamour  of  the  people  about  the  Con- 
gress in  Philadelphia,  that  they  sent  three  Commissioners  to 
meet  Lord  and  Sir  William  Howe"'*. 


i  ! 


i! 


• 


li 


and  to  relieve  themselves  from  tiicir  oppression,  of  which  there  hiive  been  a 
Tariety  of  iustances,  they  were  iinmcdiately  suppresseil  by  tiie  superior  force  of 
the  Continental  Army.  In  this  state  of  the  people,  into  whicii  they  were  seiluoed 
by  the  arts  and  force  of  the  Congress,  no  man  of  sense  can  be  surprised  at  their 
not  being  able  to  take  effectual  measures  for  their  relief. 

There  have  been  very  few  revolutions  in  settled  governments,  which  have  been 
effected  with  the  consent  anil  approbation  of  the  people.  Mankind  are  not  easily 
drawn  into  a  dereliction  of  a  form  of  government,  under  which  they  have  bceu 
e<lucated.  It  is  habit  and  tixt  manners  that  form  the  national  attachment,  and 
prevail  on  men  to  prefer  those  governments,  however  arbitrary  and  despotic,  to 
others  established  on  the  best  regulated  freedom.  It  is  thi.s  that  prevails  with  a 
Turk,  or  a  Spaniard,  to  prefer  the  government  of  a  bashaw,  or  the  inquisitorial 
power,  to  that  freedom  which  he  might  enjoy  in  other  countries.  Hence  it  ia 
that  we  shall  find,  upon  looking  into  history,  that  most  revolutions  have  been 
effected  by  a  few  arlful,  bold,  and  ambitious  men,  whose  first  step  hag  ever  been 
to  delude  the  incautious  ami  restless  few,  which  every  society  affords,  into  arms; 
the  next  to  disarm  the  rest,  and  then  to  estiil)li.-h  their  own  measures  and  power 
over  the  whole  society,  who,  however  de>ir(ius  of  making  the  greatest  efforts  for 
their  relief,  find  it  impossil)le  under  these  circum.stauces,  and  therefore  patiently 
submit  to  what  they  detest. 

*  The  Congress  were  compclleil  by  the  clamours  of  the  people  to  send  a  Com- 
mittee to  treat  with  I.cjrd  Howe;  but  did  not  mean  to  lio  it,  save  in  appenrunco 
only.  The  authority  given  to  that  Committee  was  only  "  to  hear  such  proposi- 
tions as  Lord  Howe  siiould  think  (it  to  make,"  and  not  to  treat.  See  Ilesolve  of 
Congress,  0th  of  September,  1770.  The  Committee  rejiorted,  that  "his  Lord- 
ship's Commission  contained  no  other  authority  of  importance  than  thatof  grant- 
ing pardons,  with  such  exceptions  as  the  Cotninissioners  sl.ould  think  proper  to 
make,  and  of  declaring  .Vmerica,  or  any  piirt  of  it,  in  the  King's  peace,  upon 
submission."  U"  the  ConimiBsioners  had  further  and  other  powers,  it  is  greatly 
to  be  lamented,  that  iIm  v  did  not  think  proper  to  make  tjirm  known  to  the  people, 


I' 


'/S 


11 

Q.  What  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  revolted  Colo- 
nics, do  you  think,  from  principle  and  choice,  supported  the 
present  rebellion  at  any  period  ? 

A,  I  don't  think  that  one  fifth  part  have,  from  principle  and 
choice,  supported  the  present  rebellion. — Many  of  those,  who 
have  appeared  in  support  of  it,  have,  by  a  variety  of  means, 
been  compelled. — T  would  wish  to  give  reasons,  and  not  fatigue 
the  Committee,  The  hist  delegation  of  Congress,  made  by  the 
jjrovinee  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  appointment  of  all  the  officers 
of  tliat  state,  was  made  by  leas  than  two  hundred  voters,  although 
there  are  at  least  thirty  thousand  men  intitled  to  vote  by  the 
laws  of  that  province.  One  instance  more  I  beg  leave  to  give. 
One  of  the  Delegates  from  the  province  of  New  York*  (with 
whom  I  sat  in  Congress  in  1774)  representing  a  considerable 
district  in  that  province,  was  chosen  by  himself  and  his  clerk 
only,  and  that  clerk  certified  to  the  Congress  that  he  was  unani- 
mously appointed  1 

Q.  Was  the  jierson  so  chosen  received  by  Congress? 

A.  Yes,  ho  was  received  on  that  return  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  in  1774, 

who  were  so  desirous  of  having  xhe  dispute  between  the  two  countries  settled 
witliout  further  bloodslied,  nnd  upon  ronsonahle  terms.  It  would  have  produced 
the  most  beneficial  eflFects.  If  tlic  terms  had  been  approved  by  the  people,  which 
is  fur  from  being  improbable  from  their  then  dispositions,  the  Congress  must  have 
accepted  of  them,  and  an  end  would  liave  been  put  to  the  war.  The  New  Stotea 
at  this  time  were  not  formed,  nor  the  Congrcs.s  well  established  in  their  power; 
they  were  of  course  more  dependent  on  the  people  than  they  Lave  been  since, 
and  must  have  complied  with  their  demands. 

*  The  people  of  King's  County  so  much  disapproved  of  the  sending  any  Mem- 
bers to  the  Cf  n''""ss,  that  although  due  notice  was  given  of  the  time  and  place 
of  election,  only  two  of  them  met:  Mr.  Simon  Doerum  appointed  his  friend  Clerk, 
and  the  Clerk  appointed  Mr.  Boerum  a  Delegate  in  Congress,  who  was  the  only 
Representative  for  that  large  county.  Other  counties  sent  no  Delegate ;  and  even 
GO  late  as  the  year  177(i,  the  inhabitants  of  Queen's  County  were  disarmed  and 
disfranohi.sed  for  refusing  to  send  a  Member  to  the  Convention  of  New  York;  and 
in  no  Colony,  where  these  Delegates  were  not  appointed  by  the  Assemblies,  which 
were  in  four  only,  were  they  chosen  by  one  twentieth  part  of  the  people. 


b!    I 


1. 


•I 


»   ) 


Si 
t 


fi'r 


v  i 


:/f 


12 


^U 


\ 


hi  t 


i    :. 


i       I 


I 


Q.  From  your  kuowleclge  of  tlie  people  of  America,  what 
proportion  <,)f  the  inliabitants  do  you  think  at  this  time  would 
prefer  a  reeoiiciliation  with  Great  liritain,  rather  than  assist  in 
supporting  American  independence  ? 

A.  From  the  experience  which  the  people  have  had  of  the 
superlative  and  excessive  tyranny  of  their  new  rulers;  from  the 
distresses  they  have  lelt  l>y  the  ravages  war,  and  the  loss  of 
their  trade;  from  an  aversion  which  tliey  have  to  an  attachment 
and  connection  with  Fi'anc;e,  which  they  are  fearful  will  termi- 
nate in  the  loss  of  their  liberties,  civil  as  well  as  religious;  and 
from  the  old  attachment,  and  I  believe;  an  earnest  desire  to  be  . 
united  with  this  country,  1  tliink  I  may  venture  to  say,  that 
many  more  than  four-lilths  of  tlie  jK'ople  would  prefer  an  union 
with  Great  Britain,  u{)()ii  constitutional  principles,  to  that  of  In- 
dependence* Many  of  the  pco[)le,  who  ;it  first  took  part  in  the 
opposition  to  Govcrnnient,  and  were  deluded  by  the  Congress 
and  its  adherents,  have  severely  felt  (3very  degree  of  distress. 
From  those  feelings  they  now  reason,  and  that  reason  has  pre- 
vailed on  them  to  compare  their  old  ha])py  situation  with  their 
present  misery,  and  to  prefer  the  former. 

Q.  What  ellei;t  do  you  think  it  would  have  in  America,  if  the 
people  of  that  country  thought  an  o2)inion  prevailed  here,  that 
they  were  generally  hostile  to  (ireat  Britain? 

A,  It  would  strike  the  friends  of  this  country  with  distress 
and  resentment;  with  distress,  at  the  thought  that  j-ou  should 
conceive  an  idea  so  injurious  to  their  principles;  and  with  re- 
sentment to  (he  injustice  of  the  idea. 

Q.  Have  the  inhabitants  of  America  shown  a  willingness  to 

*  [Mr.  (iallowny's  statements  were  no  ilouht  in  part  based  upon  the  informa- 
tion derived  tlirougli  his  ourrespdiiilciits  in  America,  .Several  letters  addressed 
to  liini  affirm  as  facts  wliat  lie  iicre  as' erts.  A  letter  from  Isaac  ()g(Jen,  of  New 
.Jersey,  dated  New  York,  li2d  Nov.  177S.  to  Mr.  (iallowny,  then  in  London,  gives 
these  statements  in  terms  even  stronger  than  those  used  liy  Mr.  Ualloway  in  tlie 
text.  That  some  of  the  French  officers  did  not  consider  that  alliance  popular  in 
America  is  shown  in  Spiirk.t'  Vranhlin,  viii.  :!'.(1,] 


13 


take  up  arms  in  the  present  contest,  and  have  the  Congress  found 
it  easy  to  recruit  their  armies  ? 

A.  A  very  small  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  North  America  (I 
■would  rather  confine  myself  to  the  Middle  and  Southern  Colo- 
nies) have  shown  a  willingness  to  take  up  arms,  more  especially 
since  the  declaration  of  Independence.  The  Congress  have  not 
found  it  easy  to  recruit  tlieir  armies;  they  have  made  use  of  every 
means  that  art  and  force  could  suggest  for  thai  purpose. 

Q.  What  were  the  methods  made  use  of  by  the  Congress  to 
com[)el  the  inhabitants  to  take  up  arms? 

A.  When  they  found  they  could  not  recruit  their  army  in  the 
ordinary  way  by  recruiting,  the  Rebel  States  passed  laws  for 
drafting  their  militia,  compelling  every  person  drafted  to  enter 
into  the  military  service,  or  to  find  a  substitute,  or  to  be  im- 
prisoned. Some  were  even  pushed  into  the  field  by  the  bayonet 
(but  this  was  not  part  of  the  law).  In  Virginia  they  passed  a 
law  for  exempting  every  two  })ersons,  who  sh'iuld  find  a  recruit 
from  all  military  service.  For  these  substitutes,  and  for  the 
recruits,  there  have  been  from  40?.  to  100?.  given.  In  the  same 
province,  they  passed  another  law  for  manumitting  every  servant 
who  would  enter  into  the  service.  By  these  means  tlie  Congress 
chiefly  raised  their  armies,  and  not  from  the  voluntary  enlistment 
of  the  people. 

Q.  Were  great  exertions  made  by  the  Congress  and  their 
adherents,  to  bring  a  numerous  army  into  the  field  for  the  cam- 
paign of  177<)? 

A.  There  certainly  were  very  great  exertions ;  but  at  that 
time  they  did  not  make  use  of  the  compulsory  measures,  which 
they  were  obliged  to  do  afterwards,  when  the  people  were  satis- 
fied that  they  nieant  Independence. 

Q.  What  was  the  force  under  \Vashington  when  Sir  William 
Howe  landed  in  Long  Island  ? 

A.  From  the  best  information  I  could  got,  I  believe  it  was 


t 


4 


.  'i" 


ll  i 


about  20,000  men. 


Some  said  more,  others  said  less. 


t 


i($ 


14 


• 


m 


\u' 


Q,  Was  their  force  composed  cliicfly  of  militia,  or  continental 
troops  ? 

A.  More  of  militia  than  coulincntal  trooj>s, — They  had  not 
then  had  time  to  rairfc  by  rocrniting  any  groat  number  of  men, 
nor  were  their  States  at  that  time  perfectly  formed,  and  therefore 
eould  not  malve  tlie  exertion  for  raising  the  regular  troops  which 
they  did  afterwards. 

Q.  Did  Washington's  army  diminish  alter  the  battle  of  Long 
Island — and  what  was  his  force  at  the  end  of  the  campaign,  when 
(jen.  Ilowe  was  at  Trenton  ? 

A.  In  consequence  of  tlie  success  on  Long  Island,  Xew  York, 
the  White  Plains,  and  Fort  Independence,  Wasliington's  army 
did  diminish  very  rapidly ;  insomudi  that,  when  Washington 
crossed  the  Delaware,  and  Sir  William  Howe  marched  to  Tren- 
t'jn,  his  army  did  not  consist  of  more  than  3800  men. 

Q.  What  do  you  take  to  have  been  the  cause  of  so  great 
diminution  of  the  rebel  force? 

A.  They  were  panic-struck  by  the  successes  1  have  mentioned, 
and  deserted  in  great  numbers.  I  was  at  tliat  time  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. Many  of  them,  who  fled  from  the  army,  passed  by  my 
house,  antl  I  conversed  with  them.  They  all  appeared  to  me  to 
be  in  the  extremest  panic. 

Q.  What  was  the  dis]iosition  of  the  people  in  Pcimsylvania 
when  Gen.  Ilowe  ariived  at  Trenton? 

A.  I  had,  though  witli  the  army  at  that  time,  constant  com- 
munication witii  my  friends  in  Pennsylvania,  I'rom  whom,  while 
on  the  Delaware,  I  learnt  the  disposition  of  the  people;  and 
when  last  in  Philadelphia  with  the  JJritish  army,  I  made  it  my 
particular  business  to  empiire  into  the  state  of  the  province,  at  the 
time  Sir  William  Howe  was  at  Trenton;  and  1  conversed  with 
no  man,  who  did  not  inform  me,  tliat  the  people  of  Pennsylvania 
were  disposed  to  submit  to  Government,  a  i'ew  of  the  most  vio- 
lent, and  v(;ry  few  excepted,  and  they  were  those  who  had  acted 
the  uiust  violent  part,  (ireat  pains  were  taken  to  get  the  militia 
out,  but  in  vain  ;  very  few  were  prevailed  on  to  turn  out. 


■I  I 

%  : 


15 

Q.  Did  tlioy  expect  the  British  army  ia  Pliiladelphia  at  that 
time  ? 

A.  They  certainly  (lid. 

Q.  Did  the  member.9  of  the  Congress,  and  others  who  had 
taken  an  active  part  in  the  rebellion,  take  any  steps  in  conse- 
quence of  their  expecting  the  British  troops  in  Philadelphia? 

A.  I  was  informed  by  every  one  I  conversed  with  on  the 
subject,  that  the  Congress  and  the  Jiebel  States,  in  which  I  in- 
clude all  their  ofiieers,  fled  in  a  panic  from  Philadelphia,  many 
of  them  leaving  a  part  of  their  propertj'  behind  them ;  and  when 
I  was  last  at  Philadelphia,  I  was  informed  by  two  of  three  gen- 
tlemen,* tliat  they  were  aj^pointed  by  a  number  of  respectable 
inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  to  wait  on  Congress, 
and  to  inform  them,  that  they  woidd  go  out,  and  certainly  meet 
Sir  William  Howe,  in  case  he  should  cross  the  Delaware,  and 
iinjilore  his  protection  in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants ; — that  they 
did  wait  on  Congress  accordingly,  delivered  their  message,  and 
received  for  answer  from  the  Congress,  that  thev  could  not  blame 
them,  for  they  could  no  longer  jirotect  themf. 

Q.  Do  you  know  anything  of  the  disposition  of  the  other  re- 
volted colonies?  Were  tli(\y,  from  the  successes  of  the  British 
army,  disposed  to'peace;  or  did  they  still  remain  sanguine  in 
their  hopes  of  maintaining  their  Independence — I  mean  those 
who  liad  been  the  su])porters  of  the  Congress  and  their 
measures? 

A.  I  h'ld  very  good  opportunities  of  knowing  the  state  of  the 


V 


y 


*  [Mr.  (iifterwanis  Judge)  Ventes,  writing  from  Lancaster,  Oct.  3,  1777,  snys 
(I'eiinsi/lvania  Lttlers,  250) :  "  Mr.  Peun  and  Mr.  Delaney  roilu  out  to  meet  Gen. 
Howe,  niul  earnestly  entreated  liiin  to  save  Philadelpliia  from  iiluruler.  Tiic  city, 
as  we  learn,  escaped ;  but  John  Lawrence,  near  the  Falls,  had  everything  swept 
away  by  the  soldiers."] 

t  It  is  well  known  to  several  gentlemen  now  in  London,  that  the  Congress  lost 
all  fortitude  of  mind,  and  in  the  greatest  distress  weepcd  at  the  folly  of  their 
conduct,  declared  they  could  no  longer  oppo.sc  Great  Britain,  and  that  they  were 
ruined.  They  fled  with  the  greatest  precipitation  from  I'liiladclphia  to  Haltimore, 
and  nniny  of  them  to  their  respective  colonics. 


* 


•^1 


ii 


^JV 


la 


IC) 


ii:    I 


I  .   ■€' 


!!i 


t 


.'  I 


Middle  Colonics,  in  wliich  I  include  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  the  Delaware  counties,  and  Virginia, 
(lentlcnien  of  fortune  and  integrity,  on  whom  I  should  rely, 
came  in  to  me  at  Philadeljiliia,  from  Norfolk  in  Virginia,  AVil- 
liamsburgh,  Frederieksbiirgli,  the  distant  county  of  Botetourt, 
Fort  Pitt,  and  from  the  intermediate  j^arts  of  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Maryland,  and  the  Delaware  counties,  from  whom  I 
made  it  my  particular  business  to  learn  the  state  of  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  of  those  Colonies,  as  well  at  that  time,  as  in 
the  year  177(),  when  Sir  \Villiani  IFowe  was  at  Trenton.  And 
I  was  informed  by  all  of  them,  that  the  panic  extended  through 
all  those  parts,  antl  at  that  time  very  few  indeed  entertained 
hopes  of  supporting  the  independence. 

Q.  Do  you  think  if  Sir  William  Howe  had  pursued  Wash- 
ington cross  tlie  Delaware,  scattered  the  remains  of  his  army, 
and  taken  up  liis  (ptarters  at  Philadelphia,  that  the  Congress 
would  have  been  able  to  raise  anotlier  army  ?* 

A.  1  verily  believe  they  would  not  have  been  able  to  raise  an 
army  of  any  consequence,  not  of  5000  men,  so  as  to  take  the 
field  at  tlie  usual  time  of  opening  the  campaign. — It  was  not 
only  my  ()[iiiiioii,  but  that  of  every  gentleman  I  conversed  with 
on  the  snl)ject  in  Pennsylvania. 

Q.  What  elVect  had  tlie  success  of  the  rebels  in  defeating  and 
making  prisoners  the  IL-ssians  at  Trenton,  on  the  minds  of  the 
people? 

A.  It  hail  a  very  Tuischievous  effect  to  the  British  service. — 
It  removed  that  panic  witli  which  the  new  states  of  the  Middle 

*  [Mr.  fi.illoway  was  of  opinion  that  faliinj;  I'liilaiU'liiliia  would  settle  the  war. 
lie  accordingly  urgcil  Gen.  Howe  to  proceed  against  it  by  land.  His  advice  was 
adipjitcd;  but  alter  advancing  into  New  .ler.scy,  (ien.  Howe,  de.^pife  of  Mr.  (iallo- 
way"s  counsel  to  tlio  eonlniry,  determined  to  attack  I'liiladelpliia  by  way  of  the 
Ciio.sapeake.  Tlii.s  l'at;il  lilnmlcr,  as  he  esteenieil  it,  Mr,  (ialloway  never  foi'^rave. 
For  the  reasons  of  his  advice,  and  his  strictures  on  (luii.  Howe's  course,  ace 
Itfpli/  lo  the  Obmiriiiiiiinf  „/  Li.  den.  Sir  Win.  Jlowe,  ij-c  Philadelphia  (Jleprint), 
1787.     Pp.  '62,  &c.] 


ilij 


II  M 


17 


■J  i 


Colonies  were  struck. — It  enabled  the  Congress  and  the  Members 
of  the  new  state  of  Pennsylvania  to  return  to  Philadelphia,  the 
most  advantageous  post  for  their  residence  in  all  America. — It 
revived  their  spirits,  and  the  spirits  of  the  disaft'ected. — It  in- 
duced a  nundier  of  the  Militia  to  turn  out,  who  otherwise  would 
not  have  done  it,  and  contributed  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
raising  of  the  army  which  Washington  commanded  the  next 
campaign. 

Q.  After  the  affair  at  Trenton,  did  the  Congress  find  it  easy 
to  recruit  their  army,  and  what  number  of  trotjjis  had  Wash- 
ington with  him  in  the  Jerseys  during  the  winter? 

A.  Notwithstanding  that  success,  the  Congress  did  not  find  it 
easy  to  recruit  their  army. — They  were  obliged  to  make  use  of 
the  compulsory  methods  I  have  mentioned;  and  yet,  during  the 
winter,  Washington,  at  Morris  Town,  from  the  best  information 
I  could  get,  had  not  0000  n:en. 

Q.  Did  Washington  take  any  measures  to  prevent  the  British 
army  from  procuring  provisions  in  their  march  through  the 
Jerseys,  and  what  mcuasares? 

A.  In  Washington's  retreat  through  the  Jerseys,  he  issued  a 
proclamation,  commanding  the  inhabitants  near  that  route,  which 
he  suspected  the  British  army  would  follow,  to  remove  all  their 
provisions,  under  pain  of  having  them  destroyed;  but  this  pro- 
clamation was  not  obeyed,  nor  did  he  dare  to  put  it  into  execu- 
tion— he  did  not,  lest  he  should  render  the  people  more  averse 
to  his  measures. 

Q.  Did  the  British  army  find  difficulty  in  procuring  provi- 
sions whilst  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  ? 

A.  They  did  not. — I  was  both  at  Trenton  and  Burdenton,'^' 
the  two  posts  loft  by  Sir  AVilliam  Howe  on  the  Delaware. — The 
pci)ple  brought  in  their  cattle  and  other  provisions  to  both  those 
posts. — Captain  Gambell,  with  whom  I  lodged,  acted  as  Deputy 
Quarter-master. — I  drew,  at  his  request,  invitations  to  the  pco- 


4. 
I 


i 


I 


liMi 


*  [  Bon  lento  wn.] 


»■    il 


n'f',' 


18 

pie  of  the  country  to  bring  in  tliclr  provisions  towan' .  lorrninpr 
a  magazine  at  Bnnloiitoii  ;*  and  altliongh  he  was  tlicrc  but  a 
little  while,  a  very  eonsidenible  magazine  was  formed,  and  great 
quantity  of  provisions  biT>uglit  in,  before  lie  was  obliged  to 
leave  it  by  the  taking  of  Trenton. 

Q.  Had  General  Howe  taken  up  his  winter  quarters  at  Phila- 
delphia, would  he  have  run  any  ri.sk  of  not  being  supplied  with 
provisions  from  the  country  ? 

A.  I  think  it  impossible. — The  country  Avas  full  of  provisions. 
— General  Howe's  army  was  the  su[)t;rior  army,  and  certainly 
might  have  foraged,  had  the  inhabitants  not  brought  in  their 
provisions — of  whicli,  1  think,  there  cuuld  bo  no  (loul)t,  because, 
when  Sir  William  Howe  was  at  Philadelphia  in  1777,  the  peo- 
ple at  that  time,  when  Wasliington  had  four  times  the  number 
of  troops  that  he  had  at  Trenton,  and  when  his  party  was  con- 
tinually patrolling  round  the  lines  ; — the  inhabitants  of  Phila- 
delphia, the  army  and  navy,  such  as  chose  to  eat  i'resh  provi- 
sions, were  suji])lied  by  the  country — from  without  the  lines. 

Q.  What  number  of  men  did  the  Congress  vote  for  the  cam- 
paign 1777  ? 

A.  Congress  voted  for  that  year  88  battalions,  each  consist- 
ing of  750  men,  officers  included,  making  in  the  whole  00,000 
men. 

Q.  What  number  did  they  actually  raise  for  that  year? 

A.  At  the  outside,  they  did  not  bring  into  the  field  16,000 
men. — I  think  T  am  beyond  the  mark  in  that  number. 

Q.  What  was  tlie  reason  that  so  small  a  number  of  the  troops 
voted  were  raised  ?  Was  it  that  the  Congress  had  altered  their 
resolutfon  as  to  the  numbers  to  be  employed,  or  was  it  because 
the  men  were  not  to  be  had? 

A.  It  was  not  because  the  Congress  had  altered  their  resolu- 
tion, but  because  the  men  were  not  to  be  had. — They  made 
every  exertiou  as  usual;  but  they  had  lost  in  the  Canada  expe- 

*  [Bordeutowii.] 


II 


19 


ililion,  at  Boston,  where  they  were  extremely  sickly,  killed  in 
l)attle  in  the  several  engagements  with  the  British  troops,  taken 
prisoners,  and  by  deaths  in  the  military  hospitals,  southward  of 
New  York,  I  think  I  may  safely  say,  upon  g(X)d  enquiry,  nearly 
40,000  men. — The  people  also,  at  that  time,  were  more  averse 
to  the  measures  of  Congress  than  the  year  before*. 

Q.  What  were  the  exertions  made  use  of  to  bring  a  numer- 
ous army  into  the  field  ? 

A.  They  were,  as  I  mentioned  before,  partly  recruiting,  draft- 
ing their  militia,  and  enlisting  of  servants. 

Q.  AVhat  proportion  of  the  troops  that  composed  Washing- 
ton's army  enlisted  voluntarily  ? 

A.  I  cannot  answer  that  question  with  precision. — I  believe, 
not  a  moiety  of  them, 

Q.  Were  deserters  fmm  the  rebel  army  frequent  while  Sir 
William  Ilowe  wa.s  in  Philadelphia? 

A.  They  wcrj  frequent — almost  daily. — I  have  known  forty- 
nine  come  in  in  a  day — many  days  from  ten  to  fifteen. 

Q.  What  number  do  you  suppose  came  in  to  the  army  at 
Philadelphia? 

A.  The  deserters  were  generally  sent  from  head-quarters 
down  to  me  for  examination — from  me  they  went  to  Mr.  Story, 
the  officer  appointed  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance. — He 
kept  a  regular  account  of  their  numbers,  their  names,  and  the 
places  of  their  nativity,  and  I  think  there  were  upwards  of  2300 
qualified  at  his  ofiice ;  and  I  believe,  on  good  reason,  there 
might  have  been  upwards  of  7  or  800  more  not  qualified  ;  for  I 
often  found,  on  seeing  him  in  the  evening,  that  the  numbers  I 
had  sent  down  to  hiui  had  not  g  nc,  so  that  I  suppose,  at  least, 
3000  came  in. 


:;f  W' 


*  The  Rebel  States,  since  the  commer.ccmcnt  of  the  rebellion,  have  lost  in 
their  militnry  hospitals,  nnd  in  battle,  in  their  naval  and  land  service,  not  much 
abort  of  100,000  men,  which  amount  to  a  tifth  part  of  the  white  men  in  America 
capable  of  bearing  arms. 


V 


-=■ 


20 


,!l 


li" 


! 


•     v 


Q.  Do  you  suppose  the  number  you  have  mentioned  to  be 
the  whole  of  the  dosertion  from  tlio  rebel  army  ? 

A.  By  no  means ;  I  do  not  sujipose  it ;  —many  might  have 
deserted  into  the  country  to  their  friends — perhaps,  half  as  many 
more. 

Q.  What  was  the  encouragement  held  out  to  induce  deserters 
to  come  over  to  us? 

A.  A  proclamation  was  is^iunl  liy  Sir  William  Howe,  offering 
them  a  ])assage  home  to  Ireland  or  England,  their  native  coun- 
try, and  they  were  generally  paid  for  their  arras  and  accoutre- 
ments. 

Q.  That  part  of  the  rebel  army  that  enlisted  iji  tlie  service  of 
the  Congress,  were  they  chiefly  composed  of  natives  of  America, 
or  were  the  greatest  part  of  tliem  English,  Scotch,  and  Irish? 

A.  The  names  and  ])laces  of  their  nativity  being  taken  down, 
I  can  answer  the  question  with  precision. — There  were  scarcely 
one-fourth  natives  of  America; — about  onedialf  Irish, — the  other 
fourth  were  En[;lish  and  Scotch.* 

Q.  What  is  the  character  that  tlie  Provincials  serving  in  the 
British  army  be.nr?  Arc  they  good  troi)[xs,  and  have  they  be- 
haved well  when  em[)li)yal? 

A.  I  hav  i  understood,  as  soon  as  they  arc  disciplined  they 
are  very  good  troo[)S,  and  have  always  behaved  well ;  i  know 
of  no  instance  to  the  contrary. — That  I  know  to  be  the  oi)iniou 
of  many  of  tlie  military  gentlemen. 

Q.  Do  you  know  anything  of  the  army  of  the  Rebels  in  gene- 
ral, how  that  is  compo.sed — v'f  w^liat  country  jieople? 

A.  I, judge  of  that  by  the  deserters  that  came  over. 

Q.  What  was  the  sum  given  as  b.-uuty  mouoy  to  a  recruit 
cnli.stiug  in  our  provincial  corps? 

A.  I  have  uudenstood  live  hard  dollars. 


1-  I 


■  i  ? 


*  [Tliis  Ptntcmcnt  iimst  be  taken  in  cunncotioii  with  tlip  nnswer  to  the  (pics- 
ti'iii  next  but  one— timt  he  juilj^ed  uf  tlie  birth-jihiee  <>i  tliu  snjiliers  of  the  ruliel 
army  by  the  de.sertcrs.J 


21 

Q.  At  that  time,  what  was  the  sum  given  by  the  rebels  Tor  a 
recruit  lo  serve  in  the  army  of  the  Congress? 

A.  The  Congress  gave  twenty  paper  dollars  a  man,  besides 
eight  paper  dollars  to  the  person  who  should  proeure  a  reeruit 
— It  was  recommended  by  the  Congress,  in  order  to  facilitate 
the  recruiting  for  the  Rebel  States,  to  divide  the  states  into  dis- 
tricts, and  to  appoint  two  or  more  persons  to  recruit  in  each 
district. — These  persons  had  the  eight  Continental  dollars. 

Q.  What  was  the  proportion  between  the  hard  and  the  paper 
dollars  ? 

A.  It  is  impossible  to  say ; — they  are  now  from  fifteen  or 
twenty  to  one. 

Q.  At  the  time  the  army  was  at  Philadelphia? 

A.  I  cannot  say ;  they  might  be  three  or  fijur,  or  five  or  eight 
to  one*. 

Q.  What  have  you  known  to  be  given  for  substitutes  ? 

A.  I  have  known  from  ,£-10  to  £100  Continental  moneyf. 

Q.  What  number  of  men  do  you  suppose  are  now  serving  in 
our  army  in  America,  as  Provincials? 

A.  I  have  been  informed,  from  6  to  7000 — but  I  do  not  know 
of  my  own  knowledge. 

Q.  Were  there  any  number  of  thena  embodied  as  militia  in 
any  part  of  the  country  where  the  King's  troops  have  been  in 
possession  ? 

A.  I  understood,  when  1  was  at  New  York,  that  there  was  a 
body  of  militia  formed  at  Long  Island. — There  were  none  in 
the  Jerseys,  nor  at  Philadelpliia. 

Q.  Were  there  ever  any  attempts  made  to  induce  th?  inhabit- 
ants to  take  up  arms,  and  defend  Jie  country  against  the  incur- 
sions of  the  llobels  either  in  Pennsylvania  or  the  Jerseys  ? 

*  Tlio  Continental  money  wns  cor.stantly  Huctniiting  in  its  value— When  tlie 
British  iirniy  entered  a  province,  Us  value  was  in  a  nmnncr  luniliiliitetl,  and  the 
people,  ventured  •  ,  enly  to  refuse  it. 

f  By  late  accounts  from  gentlemen  of  the  best  credit  at  New  York,  the  ex- 
travagant sum  of  £200  lins  been  given  km  h  substitute. 


«    ! 


I  i  il 


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mmmmM 


.1'  ■ 

W I  -  ';■■ 


;  i 


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EN 


22 

A.  Not  as  militia; — there  were  corps  enlisted  in  Philadel- 
pliia. 

Q.  What  number  of  men  wore  there  in  Philadeli^hia  capable 
of  bearing  arms  'i 

A.  At  the  deaire  of  Sir  William  llowe,  I  numbered  the  in- 
habitants of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  and  the  suburbs,  distin- 
guishing the  males  from  the  females,  and  taking  the  number  of 
those  between  18  and  60  years  of  age. — There  were  in  Phila- 
delphia and  suburbs,  within  the  limits,  4i81  males  under  that 
deseription, 

Q.  Might  not  those  men  have  been  embodied  as  a  niilitia  for 
the  defence  of  the  city  ? 

A.  A  part  of  them  were  Quakers — about  oiic-lburth. — These 
Avould  not  take  up  arms  on  any  account. — I  know  of  no  reason 
Avhy  the  others  might  not  liave  been  induced  to  take  up 
arms,* 

Q.  Were  those  who  were  found  in  actual  rebellion,  or  known 
to  be  disaflccted,  disarmed? 

A.  In  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  the  inhabitants  that  were  Uis- 
affectod  were  disarmed  by  me,  in  jmrsuanee  of  directions  from 
Sir  William  Howe. 

*■  [Mr.  Giillowiiy  (/i'c;i/;y  18,  &c.,  cit.  ante,  10),  nftpr  clmrpitig  nencrnl  Howe 
with  suleotiiig  "tlie  most  uiipupuliir  olmructLTs"  for  rocruitiiig  in  rhitii(k'l|)liiit, 
says:  "Sucli  worn  tlie  jrcnflemcn  nfipnintoil,  and  such  tlie  ciiiliiirrnss^inuiifs  ninicr 
"wliich  tlie  rccruititig  siMvicu  hilKiii'iliii  lMiiltiilol|ihia  ;  iiml  yet  tiiu  fliTicral  nu- 
"  knowledges,  that  during  his  short  stay  in  that  city,  wlicre  he  found  only  44H2 
"nnilcs,  from  lf<  to  DO  years  of  aire,  of  wlioni  near  UHH)  were  Quakers,  he  raised 
"!I74  rank  and  file,  and,  officers  included,  upward  of  1100.  The  General  says 
"nothing  of  .Mr.  Galloway's  troop  of  I'liiladelidiia  light  ilragoons  ;  it  did  nut  suit 
"his  purpose.  That  \vv\  unjinfiulnr  gentleinuu  oll'ered  to  raise  a  regiment  of 
"horse,  but  he  could  procure  a  warrant  for  raising  a  tro(}p  only.  This  corps 
"was  expeditiously  raised;  in  two  months  they  were  complete,  and  so  well  dis- 
"ciplined  as  to  bo  reviewed  i)y  the  general,  and  greatly  applauded  for  their  dis- 
"cipline.  It  is  known  in  tliat  country,  that  his  influence  among  the  Loyalists 
"  was  such,  that  lie  Could  have  raised  a  regiment  in  nearly  the  .same  time,  not- 
"  withstanding  the  emburrussmeuts  under  which  the  recruiting  service  thea 
"Lihored  "J 


23 


Q.  Were  arms  put  into  tlie  hands  of  the  well  aflfcctcd  inhabit- 
ants who  had  before  been  disarmed  by  the  rebels  ? 

A.  Not  generally. — A  number  of  men,  to  the  amount  of 
eighty  or  ninety,  came  in  from  the  country,  where  I  generally 
resided  in  the  summer,  and  offered  to  serve  without  clothing  or 
pay,  with  an  allowance  of  provisions; — for  these  I  procured 
from  Sir  William  Howe  arms  ; — and  another  body  of  men  that 
came  from  Jersey,  tlie  numbers  I  do  not  know,  had  also  arms 
put  into  their  hands. 

Q.  Do  you  know  of  any  instances  of  the  inhabitants  taking 
up  arms  of  their  own  accord  in  support  of  the  King's  authority? 

A.  Tliere  was  a  considerable  body  of  people  of  the  back  parts 
of  North  Carolina  (the  rebels  in  their  account  called  them  IGOO), 
who  took  up  aims  in  support  of  the  King's  authority,  but  they 
Avere  attacked  and  defeated  by  the  rebels  *.■ — Another  body  in 
the  peninsula  between  the  Chcsnpeak  and  the  Delaware  (as  I  was 
well  informed,  consisting  of  2000),  likewise  took  up  arms  in 
support  of  the  King's  authority. — Anotlier  party  in  the  same 
peninsula,  at  another  time  (consisting  of  several  hundreds),  and 
another  in  the  county  of  Monmouth,  in  the  Jerseys,  consisting 
of  about  100. — And  I  was  well  informed,  that  some  of  the  dis- 
tricts above  Ali)any,  at  the  time  that  General  Burgoyne  was 
advancing  towards  tliat  place,  took  up  arms.,  and  prevented  the 
disaffected  part  of  the  districts  from  joining  General  Gates;t  de- 


^  I 


'1 


*  Some  of  these  loj-iilists  wore  nrmcJ  with  guns,  others  with  clubs  only. — 
Indeed  this  was  tlie  circumstance  in  every  cnso  where  the  people  rose  in  favour 
of  Government ; — their  arms  having  been  generally  taken  from  them,  under  the 
order  of  the  Congress  or  Conventions. 

f  [Uev.  Charles  Inglis,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia,  writes  from  New 
York,  Dec.  12,  1778,  to  Mr.  Galloway  in  London: — 

*  *  *  "there  are  still  many  friends  to  the  government  in  the  country.  *  *  *  * 
"  Hurgoyne's  army,  while  on  their  wny  through  New  England,  but  particularly 
"through  this  Province,  met  with  the  kindest  treatment  from  the  inhabitants. 
"Provisions  in  abundance  were  brought  to  them;  the  inliabitants  cheerfully 
"gave  up  their  beds  to  them,  sympathi/xd  with  them,  otVercd  them  money,  and 
"  assisted  mony  to  make  their  eBca[pe,    Several  inhabitants  of  this  Province  came 


in 


I 

r 


ill 


I' 
I 


24 

daring,  tliat  if  tliey  went  out  to  join  General  Gates,  they  A\rould 
join  General  Burgoync. 

Q.  Did  you  find  many  houses  deserted  as  the  army  marched 
through  Jersey,  or  in  the  way  from  the  Head  of  Elk  to  Phila- 
delphia ? 

A.  General  ITowe  liappened  to  land  his  troops  in  a  part  of 
the  country  more  disiitVectcd  than  any  other  part  I  know ;  I 
mean  Cecil  county  in  Maryland.— At  and  about  the  Head  of  Elk, 
a  number  of  inhabitants  did  desert  their  houses,  and  carry  ofl' 
their  effects,  but  not  all. — After  Sir  William  llowe  had  advanced 
into  the  country  from  thence,  about  eight  or  ten  miles,  as  near 
as  I  can  guess,  I  don't  believe  that  I  saw  in  the  whole  route  of 
the  army,  from  thence  to  Philadelphia,  consisting  of  at  least 
seventy  miles,  above  ten,  or,  at  most,  fifteen  houses  deserted, — 
I  think  not  so  many,  but  I  chuse  to  be  under  the  mark. — The 
inhabitants  were  found  (piietly  at  home ;  and,  to  mo,  there  ap- 
peared every  mark  of  pleasure  at  the  troops  arriving  in  the 
colony. 

Q.  ^Vhat  quantity  <>f  ])rovisions  did  the  army  carry  with  it 
from  the  Head  of  Elk,  or  from  Pencadder,  where  General  Grunt 
joined  them  ? 

A.  i  can't  speak  to  that  question  from  my  own  knov. lodge; 
but  I  was  informed  by  tlie  oH'ccrs  of  the  army  that  there  was 
about  iburteen  days  provisions  landed*. 

Q.  IIow  long  was  it  from  the  time  you  left  Pencadder  to  the 
time  the  General  received  provisions  from  the  fleet  in  the  Dcla- 
Avare  ? 

A.  I  think  the  army  marched  from  Pencadder  the  8tli  of 
September;  and,  to  my  best  recollection,  the  Welch  Fuzileers 

"us  guides  to  ilitlVrciit  piirtics  who  liiive  got  in — upwards  of  one  hundred  have 
"reiii'iied  this  place."'] 

*  A  grciit  pnrt  of  those  provisions  must  liave  been  expended  by  the  army 
before  Sir  William  Ilmvu  left  Pencmlder.— The  army  was  landed  on  tlie  25tli  of 
August,  uud  it  did  not  march  from  that  place  before  the  8th  of  September. 


would 


25 

went  down,  for  the  first  time,  to  the  ships  below  Philadelphia, 
to  escort  u])  the  first  {provisions  on  the  od  of  October. 

Q,  How  did  the  army  subsist  during  that  time  ? 

A.  The  army  in  their  march  g(jt  large  quantities  of  provi- 
sions supplied  by  the  inhabitants. — They  drove  a  large  quan- 
tity of  live  stock  with  theiu  to  German  Town,  and  some  to 
Philadelphia. — They  got  other  jirovisions  m  the  country. — 
They  took  a  magazine  of  (lour  at  Valley  Forge,  which  I  under- 
stood was  destroyed. 

Q.  While  the  British  army  lay  at  Philadeli)hia,  did  the  in- 
habitants from  the  neighbouring  countries,  without  the  lines, 
bring  in  provisions,  and  were  the  markets  plentifully  supplied  ? 

A.  The  army  lay  at  Philadelphia  nine  or  ten  months — there 
was  in  that  city  and  suburbs,  within  the  British  lines,  near 
25,000  inhabitants — I  include  the  number  of  people  that  came 
in,  besides  the  real  inhabitants  there  ;  these,  with  the  army  and 
navy,  did  not  want  fresh  provisions  of  all  kinds  whilst  they  re- 
mained at  Pliiladelphia. 

Q.  In  what  state  was  Washington's  army,  in  respect  to  pro- 
visions, while  the  British  army  was  thus  supplied  ?"" 

A.  Part  of  that  time  Washington's  main  army  lay  at  Valley 
Forge — it  Avas  then  in  extreme  distress  for  Avant  of  provisions 
— the  deserters  who  came  in  informed  me,  that  they  were  seve- 
ral days  at  half  allowance ;  and  some  that  I  examined  told  me, 
that  they  had  had  furhjughs  to  go  out  into  the  neighbourhood  to 
get  provisions. — At  that  time,  "Washington  received  a  consider- 
able part  of  his  supplies  from  the  distant  parts  of  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina,  brought  up  the  Ch(>sapeak,  landed  at  Elk,  and 
from  thence  conveyed  to  las  camp  at  ^^alley  Forge  in  waggons. 

1'he  inhabitants  wore  so  averse  to  the  measures  of  Congress, 

that  they  did  not  sup])ly  him  with  provisions. 


i       :U 


V  i 


Si  il 


m 


<'' 


*  [For  a  vivid  picture  of  tlic  distress  and  privations  endured  by  tlie  army  nt 
Valley  Forge,  see  the  Letter  of  the  Coraniittee  to  President  of  (.'ongress,  Camjy  at 
Viill<!/  f-'or<ji;  Im'Ii.  12,  177H.      Appendix  to  h'tfhj,  .^o.,  cit.  iinte,  Ul] 


'.i  I 


I  .       n* 


ff  I 


^fsammmmmm 


•ic, 


{ 


Q.  IIiul  not  you  corre.s|H)mU'iicc  througli  iiuiuyditVoreiil  parts 
of  America,  in  on^T  to  furnisli  (.rciicral  Howe  with  intelligoueo? 

A.  T1k>  (ieiieral,  iu  some  measure,  relied  (ju  me  I'or  intelli- 
gence— lie  had  otlu-r  means  ol'  getting  intelligence. — 1  sent  out 
to  mv  friends  on  tlu;  Susiiiieliainiali  and  to  tin;  Delaware — it 
was  an  easy  tiling  so  to  do, — Tlie  iidialiitants  were  continually 
<ro'->.ii"  in  and  conuni>'  out;  and  1  desired  tliat  tliev  would  inform 
me  of  every  thing  material  tliat  happened  iu  those  parts  respect- 
ing the  uundtiM-  of  troops  that  should  be  coming  to  join  "Wash- 
ington.— I  sent  out  many  spies  for  the  General  on  other  occa- 
sions.— The  General  had  the  best  intelligence  from  other  circum- 
stances, which  it  wouM  be  impro])er  for  me  to  mention. — '^I'he 
intelligence,  I  think,  nnist  have  been  good,  wliilst  Washington, 
iu  po.sse.ssion  (jf  that  country,  comphuned  of  the  want  of  intel- 
ligence, and  .Slid  he  was  in  an  enemy's  country. — I  had  this 
from  an  officer  under  Washingttni. — 1  would  add,  with  re.'^pecl 
to  the  di.-^position  of  the  people,  that  persons  came  in  to  me, 
from  all  ([uarlers  (jf  the  ]\Iiddle  Colonies,  and  from  their  intelli- 
gence I  answered  the  former  (juestitjn. 

Q.  To  what  I'ouse  was  it  owing  that  Washington's  army  was 
so  badly  supjilied,  when  he  had  the  command  of  tin;  country  '! 

A.  Washington  Avanted  Hour  and  bread  for  liisarniy,  and  grain 
and  Ibragc  for  his  hori^es. — Wo  issued  a  proclamation,  command- 
ing all  the  iidiabitants  witliin  seventy  miles  of  his  eamj)  north- 
ward, st)Uthward,  and  wrstwai'd,  to  tliresli  out  tln'ir  grain  :  one- 
half  by  thelirst  oi'  Fel)ru;iry,  the  otlier  half  by  the  first  of  March, 
under  pain  of  having  it  taken  Irom  them,  and  only  paid  liu-  as 
.straw. — But  this  proi'laiiiatiou  was  not  obeyed — Wasliingtou 
then  was  obliged  to  seuil  some  of  the  men  of  his  army  to  tlui 
neighlioiiriiig  funners  to  thresh  out  their  grain,  which  he  took 
and  made  use  of  without  ]iaying  for  it. 

Q.  Did  Washiiiglou  lind  the  jieople  ready  to  su[)plyhim  with 
carriages  'i 

A.  IIo  did  not. — ][c  got  few  carriages  but  what  he  took  by 
force. — Tlie  pi'ople  h.'d   their  waggon   wheels. — lie  compelled 


I  i 


tliem  to  produce  tliciii. — They  tlien  broke  tlicir  wheels  and  dis- 
abled their  waggons,  which  rendered  it  very  difficult  for  him  to 
be  sui)])lied  with  waggons. 

Q.  In  what  state  was  Washington's  army  in  respect  to  cloth- 
ing in  the  campaign  of  1777  ? 

A.  All  the  deserters  who  came  in  to  us,  except  the  Virginians, 
and  a  very  few  from  the  northward,  were  in  a  manner  naked  ; 
they  were  not  clothed  fit  for  the  inclemency  of  the  season. — 
Some  of  them  had  linen  garments  on,  and  those  very  ragged 
and  torn. — Some  without  shoes,  very  few  with  whole  breeches 
or  stockings — in  short,  they  were  objects  of  distress  when  they 
came  down  to  me  to  l)e  examined. — Tlie  ^'irginians  had  passed 
a  law,  under  wliich  they  authorised  Commissioners  to  search 
the  house  of  every  iidiabitaut  for  whatever  spare  cloth  of  ever}- 
kind  that  might  be  suitable  for  tin?  arni}^,  and  to  seize  it  for  that 
y)urpose,  wdiich  was  executed. — 'i'he  Virginians,  tlierefore,  were 
Instter  clothed. — Washington  sent  into  the  county  of  Bucks, 
v.diere  there  was  a  considerable  ([uantity  of  cloth  manufactured, 
lying  in  their  fulling-mills,  and  siii/.ed  it  for  the  use  of  his  army; 
but  before  it  was  conveyed  to  him  it  was  taken  by  an  American 
troop  of  light  horse  and  some  refugees,  and  conducted  to  Phila- 
delphia. 

(.1.  What  state  was  the  rebel  army  in,  in  resjiect  to  health? 

A.  From  the  time  the  rebel  ai'my  was  at  Boston,  to  the  time 
alluded  to  in  the  question,  Washington's  army  was  always  very 
sickly,  occasioned,  as  the  principal  physician  of  his  hospital  in- 
formed nie,  by  the  want  of  salt,  and  the  eating  of  fresh  provi- 
sions constantly  without  salt,  together  with  their  often  wanting 
(dothes,  and  otiier  good  ap[)ointmeuts. — At  the  time  alluded  to 
in  the  rpiestion,  Washington  had  not  less  than  ten  hospitals. — I 
examined  one  of  the  physicians  of  those  hospitals,  who  gave  me 
this  iuf  )rmation  when  he  came  to  Philadelidiia. 

(^  What  was  tlie  numbei-  of  Wasliington's  army  at  this  time 
at  A^ alley  Korge  ? 

A.  Tn   the   latter  end  of  Vebruarv,  or  beginniu'jr  of  March, 


1h 


I! 


tl 


28 

Washington  had  not  4000  effective  men — from  a  great  variety 
of  accounts,  from  a  number  of  peojtle  who  lived  by  his  camp, 
and  from  officers  of  his  own  army.* 

Q.  By  what  mean.s  were  tlic  numbers  there  diminished  after 
the  battle  uf  Germun  Town  ? 

A.  By  the  means  I  liave  described ;  sickness  and  desertion. 

Q.  Could  an  army  of  ir),UO()  men  subsist  upon  the  country  in 
a  march  through  the  Middle  Colonies  ? 

A.  Unless  it  is  very  much  altered,  and  that  very  lately,  they 
certainly  could,  and  a  much  greater  army.  1'he  ^liddle  Colo- 
nies are  colonies  of  provisions. — They  have  a  jjlenty  of  cattle 
and  hogs ;  and  they  abound  with  grain,  Indian  corn,  wheat, 
rye,  oats,  and  barley. 

Q.  Wliat  number  of  people  do  you  sup))ose  the  British  army 
and  its  followers  consisted  of  that  Avere  fed  by  the  country  in 
the  march  from  Elk  Head  to  Philadelphia,  and  until  it  opened 
its  communication  with  the  ships? 

A.  The  army  and  its  followers,  I  imagine,  consisted  of  about 
20,000  mm. — I  understood  so  from  officers  of  rank  in  the  army 
— I  never  saw  tin-  returns — but  I  understood  that  to  be  near 
the  number. 

Q.  What  was  the  disposition  of  the  ^liddle  Colonics  in  the 
spring  of  1778,  before  you  left  riiiladelphia? 

A.  I  had  gooil  reason  to  believe,  from  the  en(iuirics  I  made 
respecting  the  dis})osition  of  the  peojile,  that  they  were  very 
generally  desirous  of  giving  uj(  tlieir  new  rulers,  and  of  being 
united  with  this  country. 

Q.  Had  you  reason  to  believe  that  any  gentlemen  of  weight 

*  [Isaac  OgiJen  writes  from  New  York,  March  8,  1770,  to  Mr.  Gallowny  :  — 
"  Wasliington's  army,  by  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  the  '  nine-months  Viien,' 
"is  considerably  (limini.slieJ.  He  1ms  not  now  in  Jersey  more  than  3,000  men, 
"and  in  ('i)nnccticut  not  ho  many.  They  talk  of  making  new  drafts  from  the 
"  militia.  This  is  their  last  resort;  and  I  am  rather  inclined  to  think  the  militia 
"  will  refuse  being  drafted.  The  depreciation  of  tlieir  money  has  obliged  them 
"to  give  up  all  thoughts  of  their  recruiting,"] 


!ii 


»  , 


2!) 

and  influence  in  Pennsylvania  were  rea<ly  to  exert  tlieinselves 
in  disarming  the  diyallbctcd  in  llio  several  counties,  and  restor- 
ing the  counties  to  the  peaee  of  the  King  ? 

A.  Almost  from  the  time  that  I  went  to  Philadelphia  with 
the  army,  to  that  of  the  evacuating  of  the  i)laee,  gentlemen  from 
many  of  the  counties  in  the  peninsula  below,  indeed  almost  all, 
and  several  counties  in  Pennsylvania,  Philadel[)hia  county, 
Bucks,*  Lancaster,  Chester,  Cumberland,  and  some  of  the  coun- 
ties in  Jersey,  sent  me  assurances,  that  as  soon  as  the  British 
army  should  operate  against  (Jeneral  "Washington,  and  drive 
him  over  the  Susquehannah,  or  the  Delaware,  they  would  (could 
they  be  supplied  with  the  arms  they  wanted)  exert  themselves 
in  restoring  the  several  districts  to  the  peace  of  the  crown,  and 
that  they  had  no  doubt  of  accomplishing  it. — I  believed  this 
information. — I  will  not  say  whether  I  gave  it  to  Sir  William 
Howe ;  because  I  don't  recollect  whether  I  made  out  a  state  of 
the  facts  before  the  intended  evacuation  of  Philadelphia;  but  I 
gave  a  paper  to  this  amount  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and,  I  believe, 
to  Mr.  Eden  and  (Jovernor  Johnstone. — But  I  am  not  certain 
whether  I  gave  it  to  Sir  William  Howe  or  not. 

Q.  When  Sir  William  Howe  arrived  oil"  the  mouth  of  the 
Delaware,  were  there  any  obstructions  to  his  landing  below  the 
Chevaux-de-frize,  and  above  Bombay  Hook  .'' 

A.  Tliere  was  no  obstruction  that  I  know  of. — There  Averc  no 
forts  below  the  Chevaux-dedrize,  nor  any  obstruction,  unless 
the  water-guard,  tliat  lay  above  the  Clievaux-de-frize,  might  be 
deemed  an  obstruction. 

Q.  AVere  there,  to  your  knowledge,  any  regular  force  iu  the 
province  of  Pennsylvania  at  that  time  ? 

*  [General  Washington  to  the  Ccnmcil  of  Siifoty  of  rennsylvania,  Ilcml- 
Qunrters,  Bucks  Co.,  Dec.  IJ,  177(i.  *  *  *  "  The  spirit  of  ilisiifi'ection,  which 
"appears  in  this  c&unti-y,  1  tiiink  deserves  your  serious  attention.  Instead  of 
♦'giving  any  assistance  in  repelling  the  enemy,  the  militia  have  not  only  refused 
"  to  obey  your  general  summons  and  that  of  their  commiuidliig  officers,  hut,  I 
"am  told,  exult  at  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and  iu  our  hUo  misfortunes,'' 
fir.— Sparks'  Wiuliinrjioii,  iv.  '2'2".] 


)  :l 


^  i'' 

ll 

r-      '  H' ; 

* 

y       :  ,*■ 


J     i 


im 


•J  !I 


maaam 


A.  TliiTc  wns  none. — I  mado  jiarticnlar  enquiry  of  tlio  in- 
liabitantrf  of  I'liiltulclpliia  and  others. — I  enquirt'd  of  a  gentle- 
man wlio  lived  at  NeweastK-,  and  was  on  the  spot. 

Q.  What  was  the  distance  hi'twi'en  the  Bite  of  Newcastle  and 
the  road  h'adiii--  IVoiii  VAk  llmd  to  rhiladclphia? 

A.  About  sevtM!  or  cii^ht  miles. 

Q.  W'liere  was  Mi'.  Washington's  army  at  the  time  the  King's 
fleet  and  army  were  olf  tlie  IJolawurr? 

A.  Tliey  were  in  tlie  Jerseys.- -1  s[)eak  to  tliisfnun  a  partieu- 
lar  enquiry  from  tlio  iidiahitants  in  ['enusylvania ;  and,  fnnu  the 
best  iuibrmation  1  eould  get  oi'  Washington's  army,  they  did 
not  pass  the  Delaware  i'roni  Jersey  until  about  the  10th  or  l2th 
of  August. 

il   When  did  the  rebels  pass  through  Phihulelphia  ? 

A.  1  w;is  inl'oinied  that  they  [lussed  through  about  the  23d 
of  August? 

Q.  From  whom  had  you  that  information? 

A.  I  do  not  know  it  from  my  own  knowledge,  but  from  the 
general  deelaration  ol'  ilic  people  who  were  on  tlie  spot. 

Q.  Had  you  anv  eommnuieution  with  Sir  William  Howe,  re- 
speeting  his  going  up  the  Chesapeak,  and  what  communiea- 
tion  ? 

A.  After  my  return  from  Hillsborough  to  New  York,  I  met 
on  tin;  road  aeeidentally  Lord  Howe.  From  a  eoiiver.-^ation 
which  passed  bi'tweeii  us,  I  suspected  that  Sir  William  was 
going  with  his  ll'et  and  army  I'ound  to  the  Chesapeak.  I  fore- 
saw the  difficulties  he  wtudd  meet  with,  and  was  ilistressed  at  it. 
Insteail  of  pursuing  my  journey  to  the  eit}-,  I  returned  to  my 
friend's,  where  1  h;id  lodged  the  night  before,  Mr.  Foxeroft, 
Deputy  Post  Master  (jeneral  of  North  America.*     1  told  him, 


*  [Mr.  Foxci'cift  appefirs  to  Imvp  li;i(l  cliurjre  of  Mr.  (inllownj-'H  slaves.  In 
Ills  letter  fniin  lirlleviow,  X.  .1.,  Foli.  "Jx,  1771',  he  gives  siii  iiecMint  of  tlic  negro 
men  iiU'i  11  Wo;ii,ui.  lie  uIho  meiitiiin:-  '■  verbal  niessa^res"  "  from  viulent  rebels 
"t(j  j;eritUi]U'ii  in  tl:ii  town,  begging  an  interview  with  them  at  lllizabctlituwn, 
'•wi-hiig,  (](■  nil  things  in  the  worll,  a  restoration  of  trainiuillilv."] 


IM 


h 


that  1  apprehended  Sir  William  Howe  was  going  round  to  the 
Cliesapeak.     1  asked  him  for  ptMi,  ink  and  paper.     I  put  down 
in  writintf  those  difficnltie.s,  which  1  thought  Sir  William  Howe 
would  meet  with,  and  which  he  ought  to  be  a]>prised  of.    When 
finished,  I  showed  them  to  !Mr.  Foxcroft,  and  he  approved  of 
tliem,  and  I  resolved  to  send  them  to  Sir  William  Howe.     I 
carried  them  to  Capt.  ^lontresor,  through  whom  I  often  commu- 
lucated  with  the  General.    Capt.  ^fontresor,  on  perusal,  approved 
them  also,  and  said,  he  would  cheerfully  deliver  them  to  the 
(jleneral.     1'he  dilliculties  I  pointed  out  were  in  substance  as 
follows. — The  distance  of  the  way  round  from  the  Hook  to  the 
head  of  the  Klk;  the  coustant  prevalence  of  the  southerly  winds 
alou"-  the  coast  at  th,".t  season  of  the  year.     In  order  to  induce 
Sir  William  IIowc  to  ]irefer  gtnng  up  the  Delaware  to  the 
Cliesapeak,  I  mentioned,  that  the  distance  from  Newcastle  to 
Lan    .5ter,  where  I  apprehended  he  might  be  going  after  Wash- 
ington's magazines,  was  nearly  about  the  same,  as  the  distance 
from  the  head  of  the  Elk — that  the  country  was  more  open,  and 
the  roads  better;  and  that,  supposing  his  object  was  the  maga- 
zines at  Lancaster,  his  ;:oing  Uj)  the  Delaware  would  be  an  ex- 
cellent cover  to  his  designs,  as  the  enemy  would  naturally  con- 
clude that  Philadel})hia  was  his  object,  and  not  those  magazines. 
These,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  were  the  difficulties  and 
facts  contained  in  the  paper  that  I  delivered  to  Capt.  Montrcsor. 
If  I  am  mistaken  in  any  particular,  it  is  from  Avant  of  recollec- 
tion, and  Sir  William  Howe  can  set  me  right,  as  he  had  the 
pa])er.     About  eight  or  ten  days  ai'ter  1  had  delivered  the  paper. 
Sir  William  llowe  sent  for  me  by  Capt.  ;^^ontrcso^,  and  asked 
me,  how  I  knew  he  was  going  to  the  Cliesapeak?     1  answered, 
I  did  not  positively  |vnow  it.     lie  said,  I  did,  from  the  paper 
belore   him.     1   replied,  the  pajier  was  not  positive,  but  con- 
ditional, supposing  he  intended  to  go  there.     He  then  asked, 
whetlier  my  objections  rested  on  the  dilliculties  of  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Cliesai)eak?     1  replied,  they  did  not.     1  was  a  very 


41 ' 


\  4> 


i  ti 


i       il 


ij 


little  while  with  Sir  William  Tlowo,  :in<l  I  don't,  recollect  any 
thinj,'  else  that  jxxssod. 

(.1  When  it  was  known  in  I'hihiileliihia,  that  that  city  was  to 
be  evae.nated,  what  elleet  had  it  on  the  inindsofthe  inhabitants? 

A.  The  inliabitants  of  that  city,  a  very  lew  excei)ted,  were 
laithfnl  and  loyal  subjects  of  the  Crown  ;  niany  of  them  had 
taken  a  very  decisive  and  active  part  on  the  behalf  of  the  Crown 
— a  measure  of  that  kind  couM  not  fail,  therefore,  to  strike  them 
with  ureal  dismav  ai.'l  ;listress.'" 

Q.  Did  you,  or  any  other  person,  to  your  knowledge,  apjjly 
to  the  Commander  in  Chief  upon  this  occasion,  for  advice,  re- 
specting the  measures  proper  to  be  pursued  for  your  personal 
safety,  and  what  was  the  advice  given  ? 

A.  Sir  William  Krskine  came  down  to  mc  from  Sir  William 
Howe  aiid  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  t(j  give  mc  notice,  as  sujierintend- 
ant  of  the  city,  tliat  it  was  to  be  evacuated.  I  sent  ft)r  the 
magistrates  that  were  acting  under  me,  innuediately,  to  consult 
them  respecting  our  own  safety,  ami  that  of  the  inhabitants, 
who  had  takeii  a  decisive  part  on  behalf  of  the  Crown.  In  our 
conversation,  Mr.  Schoemaki'rf  repeated  what  he  had  told  me  a 


v\ 


*  [In  a  letter,  ilateJ  New  Vork,  Jimuary  Iltli,  1779,  aililrcsHcil  to  Mr.  Galloway, 
iu  Loiiduii,  signed  D.  S.,  which  is  snpiioscd  to  stand  for  David  Sproat,  who,  ac- 
cording to  his  ailvertisementH  in  "  tiie  Pennsylvania  Ledger"  and  "  the  Royal 
Gazette,"  was  "  Vendue-Mai-ter'  during  the  (pccupation  of  Philadelphia  by  the 
British,  the  "  eviicuation'  is  thus  bewailed  :  "  Great  schemes  have  been  on  foot 
to  purchase  the  goods  and  merchandise  we  have  on  hand  before  we  depart,  the 
"  sweets  of  which  some  of  them  felt  at  our  leaving  Philadelphia.  Unhappy 
"evacuation  I  It  continued  the  people  in  an  opinion,  wliic'i  artful  men  had  long 
'•been  endeavoring  to  estalilish.  It  .--upported  the  rel)el), on,  and  brought  misery 
"  and  distress  on  tiie  best  friend.')  of  government.  A  scene,  however  well  painted, 
"bears  but  a  faint  resemblance  to  what,  1  pray  God,  we  may  never  see  again: — 
"  'Therefore  the  Lord  God  sent  him  fortli  from  the  garden  of  Eden  to  till  the 
"  ground.'  Happy  state  when  compared  with  ours  ;  for  we  repaired  on  board 
"  of  sliips,  and  were  obliged  to  till  the  sea  with  but  a  poor  prospect  of  a  crop  to 
"  follow.     Will  the  day  never  again  dawn  ?"] 

+  [Samuel  Shoemaker  was  an  eminent  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  born  in  Ger- 
mautown,  in  the  year  1721.     He  was  an  alderxnan  of  the  city,  and  beveral  times 


iiii'ii 


H'ii 


t    I 


lew  iliiys  helurc,  that  Sir  Willitiiii  Howe  had  lulvisud  him  to  go 
over  to  W'asliiiigtoii,  and  make  liis  i)cace.  It  was  natural  for 
us  to  consult  together  uj)on  the  consequences  (jf  that  advice, 
and  wo  all  resolved  not  to  follow  it.  However,  we  thought  it 
necessary,  as  our  safety  was  still  unprovided  for  (our  lives  being 
attainted,  and  all  that  we  liad  in  the  world  confiscated),  still  to 
know  what  was  to  become  of  us.  The  magistrates,  therefore, 
requested  I  would  wait  on  Sir  William  Ilowe  on  the  occasion, 
wdiich  I  accordingly  did  immediately,  wdieu  he  gave  us  the  same 
advice.  I  started  a  dilliculty  respecting  the  practicability  of  it; 
u[)on  which  ho  advised  us  to  aj)ply  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  pro- 
cure a  flag  to  go  out  for  that  pur|)ose.  I  returned  to  the  magis- 
trates, and  re])orted  Avhat  had  passed  ;  and  we  then  seriously 
debated  and  considered  among  our.selves,  whether  we  should 
follow  the  advice.  One  of  the  magistrates  did  not  say  so  much 
on  the  subject  as  the  two  others  did,  wliich  induced  nie  to  put 
the  question  singly,  whether  we  shoulc  follow  the  advice  or  not. 
I  [)ut  it  to  the  nuigistratc  who  had  said  little  iirst,  Ilis  answer 
was  immediately  in  the  negative,  and  we  unanimously  agreed 

Mayor.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  lie  luHieieJ  to  the  Royal  Govern- 
ment, of  which  ho  was  a  zealous  siipiKJi'ter.  lioemning  obnoxioi.  -  to  the  I!";iub- 
lican  pftvty,  lie  left  the  city,  and  went  to  New  York,  from  which  place  lie  sailed 
to  England,  where  lie  was  treated  with  great  distinction,  was  imich  consulted  by 
tlie  (jovernment,  and  by  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  which  was  established  for 
the  purpose  of  awarding  compensation  to  the  American  loyalists.  In  his  first 
interview  witli  tlie  Kinjr,  the  King  ennuired:  "  How  is  it,  Mr.  Shoemaker,  that 
reniisylvaiiiii  is  so  much  in  advance  of  the  other  provinces,  though  many  of  tliem 
were  settled  before  it?''  "  May  it  ]iIeaso  your  Majesty,"  responded  the  Quaker, 
with  great  courtliness,  "  1  ]]resunie  it  is  because  so  many  of  tiie  inhabitants  are 
(lermans,  or  of  Gernmn  descent,"  bowing,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  Queen,  who 
was  a  German  by  birth,  'i'lie  King  shewed  by  his  manner  that  he  was  gratitieJ 
by  tlie  toniplimeiit  paid  to  his  wilV,  and  said  :  ■•  .No,  Mr.  i^hoemaker,  it  is,  no 
diiubt,  liecau>e  they  are  Quakers,"  "  tiius,"  as  Mr.  irihoemuker  subsequently  re- 
marked, "fully  returning  tiio  eoinpliment."  Mr.  Shoemaker' .s  estate  was  con- 
tiseatcd  after  the  war,  for  which  he  was  amply  compensated  by  the  liritish  Govern- 
nieiit.  He  died  in  I'liiladelpiiia,  October  1(1,  1800,  in  the  sevetity-sixtli  year  of 
liis  agf. — .1/r.  l[,-i(i-ij  I'ltiiiijU'tis  MSS.\ 


1- 

'S'. 


i"4. 


|il 


I'  I: 


I' 


1^ 


\'- 


.  i 


im 


f<- 


uot  to  follow-  it.     We  however  resolved,  before  wc  parted,  to 
communicate  our  circumstances  tu  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  the 
advice  that  Avas  given  to  us,  as  wc  knew  upon  him,  in  a  tew 
days,  the  command  of  the  army  would  devolve.     I  wrote  a 
letter  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  requesting  an  interview  upon  a 
matter  which  highly  concerned  the  magistrates  and  citizens  of 
rhiladelphia.     Not  receiving  an  answer  from  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton so  soon  as  I  expected,  and  Col.  Tunis,  a  confidential  friend 
of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  calling  on  me,  1  communicated  the  whole 
that  I  have  mentioned  to  him,  and  :  jquested  ho  would  speak  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  on  the  occasion.    A  good  deal  passed  betweeu 
us.     Ho  seemed  alarmed  that  ., ->  should  be  advised  to  go  over 
to  the  enemy,  and  lunuted  out  the  consequences  that  won.ld 
attend  it,  and  immediately  oflered  to  go  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  bring  us  an  answer  relative  to  our  personal  safety.     He 
soon  returned  and  informed  rne,  that  what  ho  should  say  I  was 
1  ot  to  understand  as  ollicial  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton  (he  did  not 
sav  so — but  I  understood,  at  the  tim<.,  it  was  because  the  com- 
mand had  not  then  devolved  on  Sir  Henry  Clinton),  and  iii- 
lormeil  me,  that  Sir  Henry  said,  he  could  not  have  granted  a 
flag  on  such  an  occasion,  had  we  requested   't-  'jiat  tlie  game 
was  not  up — that  the  war  was  not  over,  but  would  still  be  car- 
ried on  vigorously,  and  desired  that  we  would  not  entertain  a 
thougiit  of  uoing  over  to  the  enemy. 

Q.  If  the  magistrates  of  IMiiladelj'hia  had  gone  over  to  the 
Rebels,  what  eiVect  would  that  measui-e  have  had  in  America? 

A.  If  the  magistrate,- of  J'hihutel])hia  had  gone  o-, (-rtothe 
Rebels  under  that  advice,  it  would  certainly  have  had  every 
pernicious  effect. — The  peoi)le  in  general  would  have  believed 
what  the  Rebels  at  that  time  industriously  propagated, — that 
the  contest  was  given  up,  and  tjat  America  was  to  be  evacuated. 
— They  would,  or  at  least  great  luunbei's  of  them  would,  have 
taken  the  oat  jS  of  allegiance,  and  abjuration  to  the  States,  and 
become  their  perfect  subjects. 


I   H 

is  j' 

Ml 


•J  , 


85. 

Q.  Did  you  attend  the  army  from  Bruiiswic  to  Trenton  in 
1776  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  At  what  time  did  the  army  march  from  Brunswic,  and  at 
what  time  did  it  arrive  at  Prince  Town  that  day  ? 

A.  I  lodged  with  General  Vaughan  the  evening  before,  and 
imderstood  the  orders  were  to  inarch  at  four  o'clock.— The  nrmj 
did  march  very  early;  they  arrived  at  Prince-Town  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

Q.  Where  was  Washington  and  bis  army  at  that  time  ? 

A.  The  main  body  of  his  arm}  was  at  Trenton,  a  part  at 
Prince-Town,  and  I  believe  a  few  advanced  nearer  to  Brunswic, 
to  observe  the  motions  of  the  British  army. 

Q.  Had  you  information,  which  yoi-  had  reason  to  believe, 
with  regard  to  the  time  of  Washington's  leaving  Prince-Town 

that  day  ? 

A.  I  was  informed  by  several  of  the  inhabitants  of  Prince- 
Town,  and  particularly-  by  the  gentleman  with  whom  I  lodged, 
that  Washington  had  left  it  about  an  hour  before  the  van  of  the 
British  army  arrived. 

O  At  what  hour  the  next  morning  did  the  army  march  from 
Pri  ice-Town  to  Trenton,  and  at  what  time  did  the  army  arrive 

at  Trenton  ? 

A.  To  the  best  of  my  i  ecollection,  the  army  marched  between 
eight  and  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  arrived  at  Trenton 
about  three  in  the  afternoon. 

Q.  Do  you  know  what  was  General  Washington's  force  at 
that  time,  and  by  what  means  do  yoa  know  it? 

A.  I  have  saiil  before,  that  General  Washington's  force  con- 
sisted at  that  time  of  about  0300  men.— A  number  of  the  in-^ 
habitants  of  Trenton  made  his  force  less ;  but  Major  Barnes,  of 
the  Provincial  corps,  who  lived  in  Trenton  ji*-  the  time,  and  at 
whose  house  Wasldngton  took  up  his  head-(iuartcrs,  informed 
me,  that  by  a  return  made  to  Washington  the  day  bel'ore  he 
passed  the  Delaware,  liis  whole  army,  excepting  I-ord  Sterling's 


I    'Si 

I  \ 


U  ' 


1  Pi 


'4  m  1 


^li 


M\ 


w 


1- 


m 


m 


h 


H^ 


36 

brigade,  amounted  to  2900  men ;— and  Lord  Sterling\s  brigade 
did  not,  at  that  time,  amount  to  400. 

Q.  Is  it  your  oinnion,  that  it  was  possible  or  not,  to  liave 
overtaken  General  Washington's  army  before  it  bad  crossed  the 

Delaware  ? 

A.  I  am  no  military  man,  and  can  speak  only  to  facts,  which, 
as  far  as  they  go,  I  am  ready  to  answer.— Had  Sir  William  Howe 
marched  from  Prince  Town  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  as 
he  did  from  Brunswic,  or  at  three  o'clock,  as  he  did  fi'om  Phila- 
delphia, to  White  Marsh,  he  certainly  would  have  been  at  Tren- 
ton four  or  five  hours  sooner  than  he  was.— Washington's  last 
boat,  in  which  he  carried  over  his  army,  had  not  reached  the 
opi-osite  shore,  when  the  van  of  the  British  army  arrived  at 
Trenton. 

Q.  How  far  is  it  from  Prince  Town  to  Trenton? 

A.  Twelve  measured  miles. 

Withdrew. 


(l  j 


I 
■»'l 


Venerifi,  18°  cZie  Jnnii,  1779. 

COMMITTEE  on  PAPERS  presented  by  Mr.  De  Grey, 
the  19th  of  March  last,  pursuant  to  Address. 

Mr.  MONTAGU  in  the  Chair. 


S6    I, 


Jc --^'H  Galloway,  Esq;  called  in,  and  examined  by  several 
: :, ;.  bers  of  the  Committee. 

Q,  Whether,  in  your  opinion,  the  river  Delaware  miglit 
liave  been  crossed  by  Sir  William  Howe  when  he  cf.me  down 
to  Trenton  with  the  army,  and  your  reasons  for  that  opinion  ? 

A.  There  does  not  appear  to  me  to  have  been  any  difficulties 
to  have  prevented  the  British  army  from  passing  the  Delaware 
in  December  177t),  when  Sir  William  IIowc  was  at  Trenton.— I 
have  said,  that  Washington's  force  was  but  small.  The  river 
Delaware,  in  and  about  Trenton,  is  from  3  to  -iOO  yards  wide. 
—At  a  place  c  Jled  Bond's  Ferry,  about  two  miles  below  Tren- 
ton, I  think  the  distance  across  the  river  is  very  near  000  yards, 
—The  gr  .  .a.'  'I  d\e  place  I  have  mentioned  (Bond's  Ferry)  is 
hio-h,  an*":  .  .  ■i.-  't;  '  commands  the  shore  on  the  opposite  side, 
ftir  beyond  caav  n  shot.— Under  these  circumstances,  1  know  of 
no  diiBculty  except  that  of  the  want  of  boats  or  i)ontoons.— I 
had  a  conversation  with  Captain  Montresor, 

Ohjedion  heiiiij  taken  (<>  Mr.  Galloway's  givinrf  an  account  of  this 
conversation,  he  teas  ordered  to  ivithdraio. 

Again  called  in. 

Q.  V\'\  you  any  occasion  to  examine  i)articularly  into  the 
])raeti  ..l)i<;  means  of  passing  the  river? 


:t    :! 


I 


i 


II M: 


1 


88 

A.  The  conversation  I  intended  to  have  mentioned,  was  only 
as  iiitroductoiy  to  a  most  materia]  fact,  -wliicli  was,  that,  at  Cap- 
tain ^Lontresor's  reiiuost,  I  did  oiuiuirc,  whetlicr  there  were  any 
materials  in  or  aliout  Trenton,  with  which  pontoons,  boats,  or 
rafts  might  be  constructed;  and  I  found  48,000  feet  of  boards, 
a  quantity  of  iron,  and  there  was  timber  enough  about  Trenton 
for  that  purpose. 

Q.  Did  you  find  boats  or  schoughs  ? 

A.  I  did ; — there  were  two  boats  in  a  mill  pond,  at  a  little 
distance  from  Trenton. — I  did  not  see  them,  but  they  were 
reported  to  me  to  be  there. 

Q.  How  many  men  would  tho  '^^s  carry  at  a  tiiue? 

A.  I  iinderstood  from  fifty  to  sixi     men  a-piece. 

Q.  In  what  time,  from  the  iuformation  you  got,  did  you  un- 
derstand that  a  bridge  might  be  nuide  to  pass  the  river? 

A.  I  airi  not  competent  to  answer  that  (]uestion  from  my  own 
judgment,  and  I  made  no  euipiiry  respecting  it. 

WitJidrew. 

Called  in  a;/ani. 

Q.  Did  you  see  the  boards  you  mentioned? 

A.  I  did  not. 

Q.  When  the  British  troo])s  took  jiossession  of  the  Jerseys, 
were  any  proclamations  issued,  or  measures  taken  to  conciliate 
the  minds  of  tlie  people  to  the  liritish  Government? 

A.  There  was  a  proclamation;  T  understood  it  was  issued 
Avhen  Sir  William  Howe  was  in  the  Jerseys;  I  met  with  liina 
at  Branswic.  I  really  cannot  be  certain  as  to  tlie  date. — By 
this  proclamation,  a  pardon  was  oiVered  to  all  such  of  the  in- 
habitants as  sh()uld  come  in  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  crown,  with  a  promise  or  engagement  to  jirotect  them  in 
their  persons  and  properties. 

Q.  In  what  manner  were  the  inhabitants  treated  by  the 
British  trooj^s  alter  they  received  their  protecti(jus  ? 

A.  ^[any  of  them,  by  far  too  many,  were  plundered  of  their 
property  whilt>  they  had  tlieir  written  protections  in  their  hands, 


iJ; 


89 


H    i 


3    fi 


or  in  tlieir  liouscri.— Fj'iends  to  Governiiieiit,  {uid  those  disiit- 
I'cctcd  to  Government,  shared  tlie  same  fate  in  a  great  variety 

of  instances. 

Wi'thdreiv. 

Again  called  in. 

Q.  Was  that  hast  answer  given  from  your  own  knowledge? 
A.  From  my  own  knowh^dge. 

Q.  Bv  wliom  Avcrc  such  inhabitants  phindci-ed  after  they  had 
received  their  protections  ? 

A.  By  the  British  and  Hessian  troops. 
Q.  To  your  own  knowledge? 

A.  I  should  be  happy  if  the  Committee  would  let  me  explain 
myself. — It  may  be  expected,  that  I  ought  not  to  answer,  to  my 
own  knowledge,  unless  I  saw  the  fact  committed. — That  I  did 
not,  and  yet  1  can  assign  such  reasons,  I  think,  as  will  justify 
me  in  saying — to  my  own  knowledge. — The  peoi)lc  })lundered 
have  come  to  me  recently  from  the  fact,  with  tears  in  their  eyes, 
complaining  that  they  were  plundered  of  every  thing  they  had 
in  the  world,  even  of  the  pot  to  boil  their  victuals. — I  myself 
drew  a  memorial  to  Sir  William  Howe,  in  behalf  of  a  friend  to 
Government,  who  had  been  plundered  of  many  thousands  in 
Madeira  wine  ; — that  memorial  was  presented, — the  determina- 
tion of  it  was  relerred  to  General  llobertson,  whether  the  person 
should  be  paid  for  the  wine  or  not  (the  person  was  ]^Ir.  Sharp 
of  New  ^'ork).     This  was  settled,  and  I  have  reason  to  know 
of  many  (jther  memoi'ials  that  were  presented  on  the  like  occa- 
sions.— I  have  seen  them  before  they  were  presented  ;— and  as 
to  the  fact  of  the  plunder,  many  aflidavits  were  taken  on  that 
t)Ccasion  by  the  enemies  to  Government,  which  aflidavits  were 
published  tliroughout  all  America*. 

Withdrew. 

»  Whoever  wishes  to  be  fully  satisfied  in  respect  to  tlio  iiullscriuutmte  plunder 
and  wiintDii  destruction  of  property  committed  by  the  Fiiitish  soldiery,  in  the 
county  of  West  Chester,  in  the  province  of  New  York,  iind  in  tiic  towns  of  Newark, 
Eliziibcth-Town,  Woodbridge,  lirunswic,  Kingston,  Prince  Town,  and  Trenton  in 


f   i 


f  ■■ 


tli 


40 

Agnin  called  hi. 

Q.  Was  you  with  the  army  wlicii  they  inarched  I'roin  Bruiis- 
wic  to  Hillsborough  ? 

A.  I  was. 

Q.  Do  you  know  of  any  roads  leading  round  Mr.  Washing- 
ton's camp  at  ^Middle  Brook,  on  the  North,  by  which  Sir  Wil- 
liam Howe  might  have  passed  round  between  him  and  the 
Delaware  and  his  magazines  ? 

A.  I  never  passed  the  road  from  Brunswic  to  Middle  Brcok*. 

Q.  Where  were  AVashingtou's  magax:ines  at  the  time  you 
were  in  the  camp  at  Middle  Broolv  ? 

A.  Ilis  artillery  magazine  was  at  Norriiigtnn,  about  fifteen 
miles  from  l*hiladelphia. — The  magazines  of  provisions  Avere  at 
Lancaster,  !Manheim,  Carlisle,  Lebanon,  and  I  believe  some  at 
Eeading — all  in  Pennsylvania. — I  speak  from  accounts  brought 
to  me  at  New  York,  which  T  gave  to  Captain  ^lontresor. 


}*> 


I 

it} 


r* 


im 


New  Jersey,  arc  refei-reil  to  tlie  PeunsylviUiia  Evening  Posts  of  the  24i.  wuj  2'.)th 
of  April,  1st,  ;M,  mid  Idth  of  May,  1777.  [Many  otlier  proofs  besuies  those 
here  cited  by  Mr.  (^mlloway  niiglit,  if  necessary,  bo  mentioned.  Tlic  cruelties 
perpetrated  by  tlio  i'.ritish  armies,  however  sad  to  the  individuals  who  t-uffcred, 
operated  most  fortunately  for  the  republican  cause.  They  brought  home  to  every 
man,  even  the  huml)lest  or  the  most  loyal,  t'-e  consciousness  that  there  was  an 
enemy  in  the  land ;  an  enemy  which  rrs]iected  nothing,  spared  nothing.  Their 
effect  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Isaac  Ogden  (one  of  whose  name,  if  not  of  his  family, 
was  barbarously  treated.  Report  of  Com.  lo  Con;/rcsii,  April  18,  1777,  I'dttiKi/liHtnia 
Packet,  April  2'.',  1777)  to  Mr.  Gallowny,  in  a  letter  dated  New  York,  Nov.  22, 
1778.  Speaking  of  the  foraging  party  to  Newbridge,  he  says;  "  The  effect  of  it  has 
'•been,  that  the  wanton  and  indiscriminate  depredation  and  waste  committed 
"have  made  many  persons  rebels,  and  deprived  New  York  of  a  very  considerable 
"resource.  The  accidental  coup-de-main,  by  which  Haylor's  regiment  of  dragoons 
"was  cut  up,  in  some  measure  atoned  for  the  blunder."] 

*  The  chart  of  New  .Jersey  will  shew,  that  there  is  a  road  leading  from 
Brunswic  to  Bound  lirook,  and  from  tlicnee  to  Kaston ;  and  it  is  known,  that  in 
that  part  of  the  country,  which  is  full  of  plaiitations,  there  are  many  roa<ls  lead- 
ing round  Washington's  camp  on  his  right  and  left,  in  wbici.  w.crc  can  be  no  doubt 
but  Sir  William  Hnwe  miirht  have  pa.^sed  with  his  army  oven  to  the  Delavare. 
With  these  facts  ho  could  not  be  unacipiainte<l,  as  the  Surveyor  of  the  district  in 
which  Woshiugtoa  was  ei.'i:a,ii;cd,  was  at  the  time  with  the  Uritidi  aiiiiy. 


''\ 


l|[ 


41 

Q,  Could  General  Washington,  in  your  opinion,  in  case  Gene- 
ral Howe  had  crossed  the  Delaware,  have  remained  in  the  Jer- 
seys when  his  magazines  were  in  the  places  you  have  men- 
tioned? 

A.  lie  certainly  might  if  he  had  chose  it.  and  had  determined 
to  abide  the  consequences  which  might  have  attended  the  loss 
of  his  magazines  ''^'. 

Q,  Do  Hx  apprehend  he  might  have  maintained  his  army 
with  provisions  and  stores  without  those  magazines  ? 

A.  Not  in  any  short  time. 

Q.  Were  there  any  preparations  made  by  General  Howe  for 
crossing  the  Delaware  at  or  before  his  march  to  Hillsborough, 
and  what  were  they  ? 

A.  There  were  a  number  of  pontoons  built  at  New  York  ;  a  , 
number  of  flat-bottomed  boats  prepared  and  put  upon  carriages; 

these  were  carried  to  Brunswic ;  taken  out  of  the  water  and 

put  upon  carriages  at  Brunswic — they  were  not  carried  to  Hills- 
borough, but  left  at  Brunswic. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  the  Delaware  is  fordablc  above  or 
below  Trenton  ? 

A.  In  the  summer,  it  is  fordable  in  a  great  variety  of  places. 
—In  June,  July,  August,  September,  and  October,  the  passage 
over  is  interrupted  occasionally  only  l)y  heavy  rains.— The 
freshes  in  the  Delaware  generally  subside  in  four  or  live  days 
after  the  rain  ceases. 

*  Hnd  Washington  remained  in  the  Jerseys,  and  permitted  Sir  Willinm  Howe 
to  have  passed  into  Pennsylvania  without  giving  him  battle,  his  magazines  of  mili- 
tary stores  and  provisions  must  have  been  lost,  if  Sir  William  Howe  liad  chosen 
to  have  taken  them.— Philadelphia  must  have  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  the  whole 
province  submitted.-lt  is  therefore  not  to  be  presumed,  that  Washington  would 
have  been  so  destitute  of  regard  for  his  own  interest,  as  not  to  have  either  fought 
the  British  army  in  Jersey,  or  have  left  his  strong  post,  as  it  is  called,  and  passed 
over  the  Delaware  with  a  view  to  the  defence  of  objects  upon  which  the  force  and 
existence  of  his  array  so  materially  depended.  For  these  he  fought  at  Brandy- 
Wine  in  August,  and  for  these  he  must  have  fought  in  i\ew  Jersey  or  Pennsyl- 
vania in  June,  or  lost  them. 
6 


1 

J 

■  'i 

i 

*4\ 


ill 


15^ 


42 

Q.  Were  1  re  nv  oirt-^ular  circumstances  to  make  you 
suppose  it  " IS!  not  ''.•     iblc  at  that  time ? 

A.  \V\h  ..or  the  ram,  while  wo  were  at  Hillsborough,  made 
it  unforilablo  or  not,  I  cannot  tell. 

Q.  Have  you  had  your  pardon  ? 

A.  I  have  not.  , 

ffcrc  the  loitncss  icas  interritpted,  and  ordered  to  withdraw. 

Afjain  called  in,  andiiroceeds  in  his  ansiccr  to  the  hist  quest'on. 

A.  I  did  not  ai)prehend,  and  I  aui  j)erfcctly  conscious  in  my 
own  mind,  that  I  have  never  done  anythiu"-  that  rcipiires  a 
pardon.  I  beg  that  I  may  have  an  oi)])ortunity,  in  a  brief  man- 
ner, of  explaining  my  conduct  in  Congress — and  then  I  will 
proceed  to  shew  that  a  ijardon  was  denied,  as  unnecessary. — I 
went  into  Congress  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  the  Assembly 
of  Pennsylvania. — I  refused  to  go,  unless  they  would  send  with 
me,  as  the  rule  of  my  conduct,  instructions  agreeable  to  my  own 
mind  ; — they  surt'orod  me  to  dniw  up  those  instructions  ; — they 
were  briefly,  to  state  the  rights  and  the  grievances  of  America, 
and  to  ])ropose  a  plan  of  amicable  acconuuodation  of  the  differ- 
ences between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  and  of  a  per- 
petual union  ;  I  speak  now  from  the  records  of  Pennsylvania, 
where  these  instructions  are.''''     Upon  this  ground,  and  with  a 


*  [Tlipse  instructions,  as  tlicy  appear  in  tliu  I'l'iiMsylviinia  I'acket  cif  Sept.  5, 
177-1,  are  as  follows  :  — 

'^Instructions  of  t lie  AssniiU;/  of  Pcnufijlvaniii  la  tin:  llfk.ijiiles  fur  the  said  Province, 
"  ujijiuiiittd  lu  ntci't  the  (Itnernl  Cuinjrt'S.i. 
"Gkstlkmkn  :  Tin.-  tiunt  ri'p(jst'(l  in  _\ou  is  of  such  u  nature,  and  the  nioilc  of 
"executing  it  rniiy  lie  so  divfrsifieil  in  tlie  course  of  your  deliberations,  that  it  is 
"  scarcely  possible  to  give  you  particular  instructions  respecting  it.  We  shall 
"  therefore  only  in  general  direct,  that  you  are  to  meet  in  Congress  the  (Joinniil- 
"tees  of  tiie  several  British  Coloniiis,  at  such  time  and  jilace  as  shall  be  generally 
"agreed  on,  to  consult  together  on  the  present  critical  and  alarming  situation 
"and  state  of  the  Colonies,  and  that  you,  with  them,  exert  your  iitiuost  endea- 
"  vors  to  form  and  adopt  a  plan,  which  shall  afford  the  best  prospect  of  obtaining 
"a  redress  of  American  grievances,  ascertaining  American  rights,  and  establisU- 
"ing  that  uiion  and  harmony  which  is  most  essential  to  the  welfare  and  happi- 
"nessol  both  countries ;  ami  iu  doing  this,  you  are  strictly  tharjred  to  avoid 


43 

heart  full  of  loyalty  to  my  Sovereign,  I  went  into  Congresw, — 
and  iroui  that  loyalty  I  never  deviated  in  the  least.    I  proposed 

"everything  imUccnt  niul   disrespectful  to  the  Mother  State;  you  are  also 
"directed  to  iiinke  rei>.ort  of  your  proceedings  to  the  next  assembly, 
"  Signed  by  order  of  tlie  House. 

"  Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker. 
"Philadelphia,  July  13,  1774." 

Tliese  instructions  arc  mentioned,  in  jiart  (ante,  p.  0),  in  Mr.  Galloway's 
note;  but  it  seemed  advisable  to  print  tliem  in  full,  as  bearing  on  the  personal 
history  nf  one  of  whom  it  may  bo  said,  that  "  ho  was  the  best  abused  man" 
amongst  the  loyalists.  It  is  but  just,  that  in  judging  of  any  one's  course,  we 
should  give  due  weight  to  the  education  and  considerations  which  determined 
It;  and,  however  much  we  may  cnndenin  the  line  of  action  adopted  by  him,  yet 
common  lionesty  and  Christian  charity  alike  require  that  a  proper  allowance 
should  be  made  for  the  circumstances  which  led  him  to  pursue  it. 

Mr.  Galloway  was  born  in  Kent  County,  Maryland,  in  1731.  His  father,  Mr. 
Peter  Galloway,  sprung,  I  believe,  from  a  liighly  respectable  family,  which  had 
settled  in  thai  lu-ovince  prior  to  the  year  1  IJlO  {Dr.  U.  Morris  s  MSS.),  appears,  from 
the  advci-ti«cments  concerning  the  settlcnieut  of  his  estate,  to  have  been  a  mnn  of 
large  landed  property.  Thus,  by  his  birth,  he  was  subjected  to  the  aristocratical 
influences  which  even  yet  linger  among  the  wealthy  planters  of  certain  sec- 
tions of  that  ytate.  He  studied  law,  fuost  probably  in  Philadelphia,  for  his  father 
died  whilst  he  was  very  young ;  at  all  events,  he  settled  here  upon  coming  to  the 
bar,  lu  no  city  of  our  country  was  professional  success,  at  that  day,  attended 
with  more  lucrative  rewards.  Hero,  too,  were  others,  like  himself  of  Maryland 
lineage,  whose  names  became  justly  conspicuous  in  Pennsylvania  history.  Doubt- 
less, the  refined  and  attractive  character  of  its  society  also  had  an  influence  in 
determining  his  choice  of  a  home.  He  applied  himself  assiduously,  and  his 
talents  and  industry  speedily  obtained  for  him  high  position,  both  professional 
and  political:  in  proof  of  which,  I  may  mention  that,  in  17(J9,  he  was  one  of 
the  three  menibcrs  of  the  bar  called  to  testify  before  the  Supreme  Court  as  to 
"the  custom  in  the  Province  in  taking  acknowledgments  of  deeds  by  married 
women."  (MS.  Peniisi/lvanin  Reports,  145,  Law.  Assoc.  Lib.;  auote  of  the  rulings 
in  the  case  is  to  be  found  Dalian,  i.  22,  WhartoiC s  cdi.) :  and  in  a  letter  dated 
Sept.  Ill,  1750  (Peniist/liuiiiia  Letters,  04),  which  is  the  earliest  mention  of  him  as 
a  politician  tlmt  I  have  met  with,  he  is,  when  only  about  five-aud-twenty,  spoken 
of  as  a  prominent  man.  His  political  career  is  narrated  by  himself  in  the  open- 
ing of  this  Examination.  His  course  in  the  Assembly,  as  the  leader  of  tiiO 
anti-proprietary  or  provincial  party,  is  too  well  kno»Yn  to  require  a  word  here; 
but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  object  for  which  that  party  so  strenuously 


'fM 


•Hi 


m 


if^  I 


I" 

I  si 


f  I 


44 

a  plan  of  accommodation  in  the  Congress,  agreeable  to  my  in- 
structious; — some  of  the  best  meu,  and  men  of  the  best  fortunes, 


contended  was  the  resumption  by  the  crown  of  a  government,  which  had  been 
so  improvidently  granted,  and  which  had,  as  they  believed,  worked  injuriously 
to  the  interests  ol'  the  }irovince. 

It  must  also  not  be  forgotten,  that  "  the  French  and  Indian  wars"  had  brought 
desolation  and  slaughter  upon  the  western  borders  of  the  colonies,  but  on  none 
more  than  Pennsylvania.  In  that  struggle,  Great  Britain  had  aided  with  both 
men  and  money.  The  recollection  of  that  periml  was  particularly  prominent  in 
Mr.  Galloway's  mind,  owing,  perhaps,  to  the  messages  which,  as  Speaker,  he 
had  presented  to  the  Governor  on  the  subject.  This  alliance  of  the  ancient  ene- 
mies of  the  English  race  with  a  savage  foe  might  again  occur,  and  he  dreaded 
its  results  to  unassisted,  perhaps  disunited,  or  even  hostile.  States. 

Again,  the  charter  of  Pennsylvania  had  expressly  reserved  to  the  king  and 
Parliament  the  right  of  taxation  by  duties  on  commerce.  {Ilizurd's  Annals, 
494,  &c.  Charter.)  It  thus  became  a  question  wliether  resistance  there  could  be 
justified,  until  it  was  placed,  by  resumption  of  the  charter,  on  the  same  footing 
as  its  sister  colonies.  That  it  could  not,  was  the  opinion  which  Mr.  Galloway 
undoubtingly  held. 

Lastly,  even  had  Mr.  Galloway  entertained  other  views  than  those  which  he 
did,  he  entered  Congress  under  instructions  winch  plainly  pointed  out  the  course 
which  he  was  to  pursue;  and  however  much  politicians  may  now-a-days  debate 
he  right  of  constituents  to  instruct  a  delegate  already  elected,  yet  few,  we  presume, 
will  doubt  concerning  the  duty  of  a  representative  chosen  for  the  express  purpose 
of  maintaining  a  particular  policy. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  not  very  clear  how  Mr.  Galloway  could  have  acted, 
in  Congress,  otlierwise  than  he  did  ;  nor  how  it  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the 
censure  of  having  "changed  sides,  not  from  conviction  nor  from  justifiable  mo- 
"tives."  "A  man  of  so  great  aptitude  for  the  administration  of  aflTairs,  of  so 
"mature  a  judgment,  of  so  much  political  experience,  of  so  penetrating  sagacity, 
"  of  powers  of  mind  that  led  his  fellows  in  masses,  can  hardly  stand  excused 
"upon  the  most  charitable  view  of  his  conduct  that  is  possible."  (Sabine's 
Loyalists,  s.  v.  Galloway.) 

But,  besides  these  facts,  we  must  further  consider  that  Mr.  Galloway,  in  com- 
mon with  many  others  "  of  undoubted  patriotism,"  believed  that  there  was  a 
constitutional  mode  of  redress.  For  that  he  was  willing  to  go  as  far  as  any 
man,  either  in  blood  or  fortune,  short  of  what  he  believed  to  be  treason.  {J. 
Adams,  ii.  388.)  That  last  step  his  inclinations,  his  convictions,  his  "instruc- 
tions," his  obligations,  the  laws,  whie';  he  revered  and  professed  to  expound, 
forbade  him  to  take.     He  dearly  loved  the  land  of  his  birth,  but  he  also  dearly 


I 


46 

espoused  the  plan,  and  drew  with  me. — It  was  proposed  and 
debate!  a  whole  day,  and  carried  upon  the  question,  six  Colo- 
nies to  five,  that  it  should  be  resumed  and  further  considered.'-^' — 
I  have  in  my  hand  the  introductory  resolve  of  Congress  in  my 
own  writing,  \,hieh  identically  was  delivered  by  me  in  Congress. 
— It  is  indorsed  in  the  hand  of  Charles  Thomi)son,  the  then  and 
present  Secretary  to  the  Congress.f — The  introductory  resolve  is 
but  short,  and  I  will,  therefore,  for  the  inf(jrrnation  of  the  Com- 
mittee, and  in  vindication  of  my  own  reputation,  beg  leave  to 
read  it. 


I 


'4.1  ! 


loved  the  land  of  his  fathers,  and  was  unwilling  to  aid  in  the  dismemberment  of 
that  great  empire  which,  if  it  remained  intact,  would,  as  he  believed,  hold  the 
destinies  of  the.  world  in  its  keeping. 

However  mucii  Mr.  Galloway's  course  may  be  criticized  or  blamed,  one  thing 
at  least  is  certain;  that  he  followed  it  with  sincerity,  and  with  ruinous  loss  to 
himself.  He  forfeited  the  estates  which  he  had  acquired  by  his  toil  and  skill,  ho 
gave  up  the  emoluments  of  a  lucrative  practice,  he  surrendered  higli  politicU 
position  and  prospects,  himself  and  family  became  exiles,  and,  away  from  all 
the  much  loved  and  cherished  associations  of  his  youth  and  his  manhood,  ended 
his  days  in  obscurity  ajid  amongst  strangers.  In  a  letter  written  by  his  daugh- 
ter, and  mentioned  elsewhere  in  these  pages,  I  find  the  following  lines  quoted 
as  applicable  to  her  father's  fate: — 

"  Though  many  an  epitaph  of  thine  wrs  Ivnown 
"  To  grace  the  cold,  commemorating     ine, 
"  Thine  own  remniu?,  iu  some  neglected  spot, 
"Now  lie  unsung,  unheeded,  and  forgot." 

Mr.  Galloway  died  in  England,  in  September,  1803.] 

»  [Gordon's  History,  i.  409.] 

f  ["Among  Mr.  Duane's  papers  is  found  a  copy  of  Dr.  Franklin's  plan  of  a 
union  of  the  colonies,  proposed  in  1764,  with  an  indorsement  that  it  was  oflFered 
to  the  Congress  on  the  28th  of  September,  by  Mr.  Galloway,  seconded  and  sup- 
ported by  the  New  York  members,  but  finally  rejected  and  ordered  to  be  left 
out  of  the  minutes."  Memoir  of  James  Duane,  of  New  York. — JJocumentari/ 
Uialory  of  New  York,  iv.  1072. 

It  was  not  precisely  "  Dr.  Franklin's  plan,"  but  differed  from  it  in  several  par- 
ticulars. "  Franklin's  plan,"  together  with  the  minutes  of  tlie  Albany  Congress, 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Doct.  Ilist.  New  York,  ii.  504,  &c.] 


%  ,1 


46 


He  reed  it  as  follows: 


•'  Indorse,!,  "Mr.  J.  Galloway's  Motion"  28th Sept.  1774." 
"  licsolfcd, 

"  That  thin  Congress  will  apply  to  his  Majesty  for  a  redress 
of  grievances,  uiuler  which  his  faithful  subjects  in  America 
hibour,  and  assure  him,  that  the  Colonics  hokl  in  abhorrence  the 
idea  of  being  considered  inde]K'ndent  communities  on  the  British 
Government,  and  most  ardently  desire  the  establishment  uf  a 
political  union,  not  oidy  among  themselves,  but  with  the  Mother 
State,  upon  those  princii)les  of  safety  i'ud  freedom  Avhich  arc 
essential  in  the  (U)ustitution  of  all  i\  o  Govennnents,  uad  par- 
ticularly that  of  the  British  Legislature.  And  as  the  Colonies, 
from  their  local  circumstances,  cannot  be  represented  in  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  they  will  humbly  propose  to  his 
^lajesty  and  his  two  Uouses  of  Parliament  the  following  Plan, 
under  which  the  strenijth  of  the  whole  tmidre  may  he  drann  together 
on  any  emcri/cnoj,  the  hitercsts  of  both  countries  advanced,  and  the 
riijhts  and  liberties  of  America  secured.^'' 

I  beg  further  to  observe,  before  I  read  the  Plan,*  that  my  great 


*  ["Among  nil  till)  JifTicultics  in  the  way  of  efFuctive  and  uuitud  actiou  in 
"  1771 — iiiul  tlioy  wtro  l;ir  groattT  tliiiu  the  iiicinbiTs  of  Coiigix'ss  were,  at  the 
"time,  for  vci'y  obvious  reii^ons,  willing  to  luliuit,  or  than  tlio  jn'oplu  of  the  pre- 
'■seut  gcnerati(jn,  who  juilgo  only  from  results,  are  apt  to  imagine — no  more 
"alarming  one  happened  than  the  'plan  of  a  proposed  union  between  Great 
"IJrituiu  and  the  Colonies,'  presented  on  the  28th  of  September,  by  Mr.  Joseph 
"  UuUoway,  a  delegate  from  I'enn^ylvania.  Himself  a  gentleman  of  abilities,  of 
"property,  and  of  extensive  inllucuce  on  the  popular  side,  he  seems  to  have 
"  accepted  a  seat  in  this  Congress  rather  for  the  purpose  of  '  sitting  on  tlie  skirts 
"  of  the  American  advocates,'  than  of  promoting  any  valuable  end.  He  prefaced 
"his  formidable  motion  with  a  speech,  of  which  the  outline  is  now  to  be  given. 
"  How  near  he  came  to  success,  may  be  judged,  not  only  from  his  own  account — 
"  which  he  afterwards  gave  in  a  pamphlet— but  still  more  from  the  extreme 
"  earnestness  of  his  opi>onents  to  expunge  from  the  record  all  traces  of  the  pro- 
"ceedings,  and  to  discredit  his  statements  as  those  of  a  renegade  and  traitor. 
"Nevertheless,  there  is  no  good  reason  fir  doubting  his  substantial  accuracy." — 
Worhs  (if  John  Adiim.i,  ii.  387  (note).  It  should  be  observed  tliat  Mr.  Oalloway's 
statement  (unto,  p.  42],  relieves  him  from  this  charge  of  entering  Congress  witli 
a  sinister  purpo.se.] 


47 

object  was  to  prevail  on  the  Congress  to  take  the  ground  of 
accommodation,  and  to  avoid  tliat  of  arms ;  and  tberefbre,  in 
forming  tlie  i)lan,  I  omitted  several  things  that  I  thought  might 
obstruct  their  taking  that  ground.  I  do  not,  therefore,  propose 
it  as  a  perfect  plan,  nor  altogether  as  a  plan  of  my  judgment. 

Withdrew. 

Called  in  again,  and  proeccds. 

The  reason  why  the  plan  was  not  altogether  to  my  judgment 
was,  because  I  thought  it  would  admit  of  some  very  material 
addirirms,  and  not  that  I  disap[)roved  of  the  jdan  as  far  as  it  went. 

Reads  the  Plan,  as/olloics: 

"  A  PLAN  of  a  proposed  UNION  between  Great  Britain  and 

the  Colonies  of  New  Hampshire,  the  ^lassaehuset's  Bay,  Ehode 

Island,  Couueeticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 

laryland,  the  three  Lower  Counties  on  the  Delaware,  Vir- 

f^mia,  Nortli  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 


"  THAT  Tv  British  and  American  legislature,  for  regulating 
the  administration  of  the  general  aflliirs  of  America,  be  pro- 
posed and  established  in  America,  including  all  the  said  Colo- 
nies, within  and  under  which  governmeut  each  Colony  shall 
retain  its  present  constitution,  and  powers  of  regulating  and 
governing  its  own  internal  police  in  all  cases  Avhatever. 

"That  the  said  Government  be  administered  by  a  President 
General  to  be  appointed  by  the  King,  and  a  Grand  Council  to  be 
chosen  by  the  Representatives  of  the  people  of  the  several  Colo- 
nies in  their  respective  Assemblies,  once  in  every  three  years. 

"  That  the  several  Assemblies  shall  chuse  Members  for  the 
Grand  Council  in  the  following  proportions,  viz. 

New  Ilainpsliire,  Connecticut, 

Massachuset's  Bay,  New  York, 

Khode  Island,  New  Jersey, 


h\V 


'^ili 


i!: 


•iS 


Pennsylvania, 
Delaware  Counties, 
!Mai\yland, 
Yiririnia, 


North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina, 
Georgia. 


who  .sliall  meet  at  the  city  of  for  the  first  lime, 

Ixin.sf  called  by  the  President  (Jeneval,  as  soon  as  conveniently 
may  be  after  his  appointment. 

"  That  there  shall  be  a  row  election  of  members  for  the  Gene- 
ral Council  every  three  year>;  and  on  the  death,  removal,  or 
resignation  of  any  member,  his  place  shall  bo  supplied  by  a  new 
choice  at  the  next  sitting  of  the  Assembly  of  the  Colony  ho 
represented. 

"Tliat  the  Grand  Council  shall  meet  once  in  every  year,  if 
they  shall  think  it  necessary,  and  oftener  if  occasion  shall  re- 
quire, at  sueli  time  and  place  as  they  shall  adjourn  to  at  the  last 
preceding  meeting,  or  as  they  shall  be  called  to  meet  at  by  the 
President  General,  on  any  emergency. 

"That  the  General  Council  siiall  liave  powertochu.se  their 
own  Speaker,  and  .shall  hold  .'md  exercise  all  the  like  riglitS; 
liberties,  and  ju-ivilegcs  as  are  held  aiid  exorcised  by  and  in  the 
House  of  Commons  of  Great  Britain. 

'■  That  the  Presidi'ut  General  sliall  hold  liis  ollice  during  the 
pleasure  of  tlio  King;  and  his  assent  shall  be  reipiisite  to  all 
acts  of  the  Grand  Council,  anil  it  sliall  be  his  olhee  and  duty  to 
cause  theni  to  hv  carried  into  execution. 

"That  llie  President  Genend,  by  a'ld  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  tlie  General  'ouiieil,  liuld  and  exercise  all  the  legis- 
lative rights,  ]>()\\-('rs.  und  iiuthorities,  neces.sary  lor  regulating 
and  :i>lininisteriiig  all  the  general  police  and  aiVairs  of  the  Colo- 
nics, in  wliicli  Great  Britain  and  the  Colo.iies,  or  any  of  them, 
the  Colonies  in  general,  nr  more  than  one  Colony,  are  in  any 
niiinuer  ei)ncerneil,  as  well  civil  and  criminal  as  commercial. 

"That  the  said  President  Gt;neral  and  Grand  Council  be  an 
m/rrior  distinct  /irnnch  of  l/ir  llrllish  Lrffix/atiire,  unitnl  and  iiicor- 
/loral'd  (C'l/i  it  fur  the  aforesaid  general  purposes,  and  that  any 


49 


of  the  said  general  regulatic-..,  may  originate,  j  ;icl  be  formed 
and  digested,  either  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  or  in  the 
said  Grand  Council,  and  being  i)repared,  transmitted  to  the 
oth'jr  for  their  approbation  or  dissert ;  and  that  the  assent  of 
both  shall  be  requisite  to  the  validity  of  all  such  general  acts 
or  statutes. 

"  That  in  time  of  war,  all  bills  for  granting  aids  to  the  Crown, 
prepared  by  the  Grand  Council,  and  approved  by  the  President 
General,  shall  be  valid,  and  passed  into  a  law,  without  the  assent 
of  the  British  Parliament." 

Under  the  circumstances  of  my  whole  conduet,  as  well  in 
Congress  as  out  of  it,  I  did  not  a]iprehend,  that  I  had  done  any 
one  act  that  required  a  pardon;  and  yet,  as  I  was  a  member  of 
that  Congress,  I  did  apply  to  the  then  acting  Secretary  of  the 
Commissioners,  and  tendered  myself  to  comply  with  the  procla- 
mation, by  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  thereupon  to  receive 
a  pardon  *. 

^  The  plfvn  proposed  by  Mr.  Oall.iway  gayo  the  independent  faction  much 
unfiasinesH,  as  they  saw  it  contained  tin  groat  outlines  of  an  union  with  Great 
Britain,  which  were  approved  of  and  supported  by  a  considerable  majority  of  the 
gentlemen  of  abilities,  fortune,  and  influence,  then  in  Congress ,  from  whence 
they  justly  concluded  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the  people  ai  large  ;  and,  should 
it  be  adopted,  as  the  ground  of  reconciliation,  their  scheme  of  Independence 
would *be  totally  frustrated.  Mr.  Adims  and  his  pari;,  left  no  means  in  their 
power  uuessnyed,  to  prevail  on  the  members  of  Congress  to  reject  it  on  the 
second  reading,  and  lest  this  step  should  fail  of  success,  to  incense  the  mob  in 
I'liiladelpliiu  against  it.  At  this  time,  the  mui'ls  of  the  lower  ranks  of  people  in 
IMiiladelphia,  who  were  governed  in  a  great  degree  by  Mr.  Adams,  being  prepared 
for  the  most  violent  measures,  Mr.  Galloway  and  his  friends  thought  their  per- 
sonal safety  depended  on  not  renewing  the  motion.  l?ut  this  did  not  satisfy  the 
violent  party  in  Congress.  Conscious  that  it  would  be  approved  of  by  the  people 
at  large,  if  published,  and  believing  that  Mr.  Galloway  would  not  venture  to  make 
it  public,  they  procured  a  majority,  who  ordered  it,  with  the  introductory  motion, 
to  bo  erased  from  their  Minutes.  However,  after  the  Coiv/ress  broke  up,  i:iuch 
pains  being  taken  to  traduce  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Gallovay  lie  thought  it  neces- 
sary, at  all  events,  to  vindicate  his  injured  character,  by  '-tating  the  rights  of 
both  countries,  upon  the  ground,  and  from  the  argi  aicnts  lie  made  use  oi'  in  the 
Congress.     This  vind'  ation,  with  the  uniform  and  indefatigable  opposition  which 

7     . 


'=0     J 


I'^M 


50 


Q.  What  year  was  it  you  tendered  yourself? 

A.  I  tliiuk  it  was  in  January,  1777.    I  was  told  by  Mr, 


he  gave  to  every  violent  measure  tending  to  a  separation  of  the  Colonies  from 
Great  Britain,  will  appear  in  two  pamphlets,  entitled,  "A  candid  Examination  of 
the  mutual  Claims  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  with  a  I'lan  of  Accommo- 
dation on  constitutional  Principles  ;"  and  "A  Reply  to  an  Address  to  the  Author 
of  a  Pamphlet,  entitled,  A  candid  Examiriatiou,  &o." 

Immediately  after  this  Congress  was  dissolved,  Mr.  Galloway  published  his 
plan  in  the  first  mentioned  pamphlet,  and  gave  to  the  people  the  following  account 
of  his  conduct.  "In  order  to  prevail  on  the  Congress  to  desert  their  scheme  of 
Independence,  and  to  pursue  those  measures  for  restoring  the  rights  of  America 
■which  carry  with  them  a  prospect  of  success,  he  proposed  a  plan  of  union  between 
the  two  countries,  w'""h  would  have  restored  to  the  Colonists  the  full  enjoyment 
of  their  rights.  He  waited  first,  with  patience,  to  see  whether  any  scheme  of 
union  would  be  adopted  by  the  Congress,  determined  to  unite  with  them  in  any 
measure  which  might  tend  lo  a  reconciliation  ;  but  he  waited  in  vain.  And  when 
he  found  them  bewildered,  perpetually  changing  their  ground,  taking  up  princi- 
ples one  di,y,  and  shifting  them  the  next,  he  thought  it  his  duty,  however  little 
the  prospect  of  success,  to  speak  his  sentiments  with  firmness,  and  to  endeavour 
to  shew  to  tlain  the  true  line  of  their  duty.  And  after  proving  the  neccssi/y  of  a 
Br  PiiEM  K  aiithorit;/  over  ci"ry  mcmhrr  of  the  slate,  tracing  the  rights  of  the  Colo- 
nies to  their  origin,  and  thence  shewing  the  neces.-iity  of  an  union  with  the  Mother- 
State,  he  introduced  the  plan  with  the  resolve  whii  \\  precedes  it ;  but  declared, 
that  he  was  sensible  it  was  not  perfect— tliat  knowing  the  fundamental  principles 
of  every  system  must  be  first  settled,  he  had,  to  avoid  perplexity,  contented  him- 
self with  only  laying  down  the  great  outlines  of  the  union  ;  and  should  they  be 
approved,  he  had  several  propositions  of  lesser  consc(|uenee  to  make,  in  oVder  to 
render  the  system  more  complete.  The  plan  being  read,  and  warmly  seconded 
by  several  gentlemen  of  the  first  abilities,  it  wi-.s  referred,  for  further  considera- 
tion, by  a  majority  of  the  Colonies.  Upon  tliis  promising  aspect  of  things,  he 
was  led  to  sign  tlit  l.on-importation  ngreenient,  ahhouyli  he  had  uniformly  ojipoml 
it."  See  page  51,  52.  [For  Franklin's  opinions  and  criticisms  upon  this  plan, 
see  !<park.i'  Franklin,  viii.  Ml.] 

The  efl'orts  of  this  gentleman  in  Congress,  to  prevail  on  them  to  desert  their 
views  of  Independence,  being  frustrated,  ho  returned  to  the  Assembly,  where  ho 
was  again  unanimously  elected  to  the  chair :  but  he  refused  it,  wishing  to  be  on 
the  floor  to  speak  to  meas  'le  had  resolved  to  propose  in  tiiat  body.  These 
were,  that  they  would  take  ground  of  negotiation,  not  of  arms— to  disapprove 
of  the  proceedings  in  Congress,  and  to  withdraw  their  Delegation  from  it.  The 
first  and  second  he  carried  on  a  division  18  to  1-1,  and  the  third  he  lost  by  a  single 
vote  only,  occasioned  by  several  false  and  seditious  letters,  written  by  the  disaf- 


51 

Searle,  who  was  the  Sccrotary,  that  he  would  not  give  a  pardon, 
because  it  was  not  necessary.  I  desired  he  would  mention  it 
to  Lord  Howe.  I  saw  him  a  few  days  after,  and  applied  again 
for  a  pardon.  I  received  the  same  answer,  that  he  would  not 
give  me  one,  because  it  was  not  necessary. 

Q.  Is  ^[r.  Searle  a  barrister  at  law,  and  what  office  was  he  in  ? 

A.  I  don't  know  whether  he  is  a  barrister ;  he  was  acting 
Secretary  to  the  Commissioners,  and  was  granting  pardons. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  apply  to  Lord,  Sir  William  Howe,  or  Mr. 
Strachey  their  Secretary,  on  that  subject? 

A.  Not  personally.  I  thought  two  applications  to  the  acting 
Secretary  were  sufficient. 

Q.  Are  you  not  of  the  profession  of  the  law  ? 

A.  I  am. 

Q.  Did  you  think  that  Mr.  Searle  understood  the  nature  of 
your  proceedings  in  Congress  better  than  yourself? 

A.  I  imagine  he  did  not ;  nor  do  I  think  a  person  being  in 
an  assembly  of  people  (if  I  understand  any  thing  of  the  law), 
which  assembly  docs  an  illegal  act,  and  that  person  does  not 
as.seut,  but  objects  to  it  (as  all  guilt  must  originate  in  the  mind), 


t. 


-■!. 


fected  in  this  country,  TvLicli  nnfortuniitely  arrived  on  the  morning  before  the 
question  was  put.  Notwithstnnding  tliis  conduct,  the  same  Assemble  ..lui- 
niously  appointed  him,  when  absent,  ujiuin  to  represent  them  in  the  nc.\i  ' 
gross.  On  his  seeing  the  minute,  he  informed  the  House  he  would  not  scive 
them  in  thiit  capacity,  and  insisted  tliey  sliould  erase  tlie  appointment ;  but  such 
was  tiieir  confidence  in  him,  and  liope  that  he  would  ciiange  liis  resolution,  they 
could  !iot  be  prevailed  on  to  do  it,  although  "lie  declared,  if  it  would  be  decent, 
and  the  mini-*"  was  in  his  power,  he  would  erase  it  himself. 

After  he  found  these  exertions  to  stem  tlie  torrent  of  violence  in  vain,  he  re- 
tired to  his  seat  in  Bucks,  where  he  remained  sevnai  months  in  the  utmost  dan- 
ger from  iiiol)s  raised  by  Mr.  Adams  to  hang  him  a;  liis  own  door:  but  these  wei'c 
suppressed  by  tiie  vigilance  and  affection  of  his  friends  in  the  city. 

Soon  after,  the  Congress  being  desirous  to  gain  him  over  to  their  measures,  and 
hojiing  that  his  danger  might  induce  him  to  change  liis  conduct.  Dr.  Franiilin 
came  up  to  him  in  Ituclis,  and  earnestly  solicited  he  would  join  in  their  measures ; 
but,  unalterably  lixt  in  his  duty  to  his  sovereign,  he  refused,  determined  to  abide 
the  consequences,  however  disastrous  thoy  might  prove  to  himself  and  his  family. 


!«l 


52 

is  guilty;  and  I  believe  no  authorities  of  the  law  will  justify  a 
contrary  doctrine. 

Q.  Have  you  not  signed  tlie  Association  ? 

A.  I  did — and  I  will  give  my  reasons.  I  did  it  on  the  ground 
of  preventing  the  Congress  from  procee:ling  to  more  violent 
measures ;  and  even  when  I  consider  that  Association,  if  this 
Avas  a  proper  place  to  reason  on  the  signing  of  it,  I  think  there 
was  no  degree  of  guilt  in  it.* 

Q.  Does  not  that  Association  begin  with  a  declaration,  pur- 
porting, that  the  situation  of  American  affairs  was  unhappy, 
and  that  it  was  occasioned  by  a  ruinous  sj-stem  of  colony  ad- 
ministration, adopted  by  the  British  Ministry  about  the  year 
1768,  evidently  calculated  for  enslaving  the  Colouies,  and  with 
them  the  British  emi)ire — that  acts  were  passed  for  depriving 
the  American  subjects  of  the  constitutional  trial  by  jury,  ex- 
posing their  lives  to  danger  by  a  new  and  illegal  trial ;  and  that 


*  [The  course  of  liimsclf,  and  those  who  thought  with  him,  in  Congress,  was 
at  the  time  stigmatizoil,  and  he,  as  he  states,  was  threatened  with  violence.  But 
lately,  in  Mr.  Flanders'  excellent  Lives  of  the  Chief  J iixlkcs  (p.  100,  et  seq-),  it  has 
been  impartially  reviewed  and  fairly  pronounced  upon.  "AVe  t' ink  it  must  be 
"admitted,"  says  Mr.  Flanders,  "that,  in  the  case  of  Galloway,  there  was  no 
"sudden  and  unexpected  change  of  sides.  Before  the  Congress  of  1774,  his 
"  position  was  well  understood.  He  became  a  member  of  that  body  with  a  well- 
"defined  purpose.  His  object,  avowed  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
"  approved  by  them,  was  to  establish  the  union  between  the  mother  country  and 
"her  colonies  on  a  firm  and  lasting  basis.  His  support  of  the  measures  adopted 
"by  the  Congress  cannot  fairly  be  deemed  inconsistent  with  the  views  ho  then 
"enirrtuined.  lie  supported  these  measures  as  a  means  to  an  end,  viz:  tho 
"adoption  of  his  plan  of  union.  Per  se,  and  standing  alone,  he  •  niidemned  them, 
"lie  openly  declared  his  sentimcuts  to  that  effect  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  But 
"as  an  expedient,  and  in  tho  state  of  public  sentiment  at  the  time,  he  might 
"very  properly  waive  his  objections,  and  lend  his  name  And  voice  to  a  lino  of 
"policy  which  his  judgment  disapjiroved.  *  *  *  In  truth,  the  position  of 
"Galloway  was  occupied  by  numbers  of  pure  and  honourable  men  in  every 
"colony.  *  *  *  And  we  are  bound  to  say,  that,  considering  the  aspect  of 
"affairs,  and  tho  jdan  itself,  we  can  discover,  in  the  one  nor  the  other,  neither 
"feature  nor  complexion  which  should  have  forbid  a  pctriot  to  propose  such  a 
"mode  of  udjustmeut,  nor  a  patriot  to  support  it,"] 


53 


i  I 


the  Quebec  Act  for  the  establishment  of  arbitrary  government, 
discouraging  the  settlement  of  the  British  subjects  in  that  coun- 
try, and  to  dispose  the  inhabitants  to  act  with  hostility  against 
the  free  protestant  Colonies,  whenever  a  wicked  ministry  snould 
choose  to  direct  them  ? 

A.  I  declare  to  this  Committee,  I  don't  know  whether  that 
was  in  the  Association  or  not. — I  have  never  read  the  Associa- 
tion since  I  signed  it,  which  was  near  five  years  past,  I  liked  it 
so  iittle. 

Q.  Did  you  read  it  before  you  signed  it  ? 

A.  I  did  not  read  it  before  I  signed  it,  but  it  was  read  to  me, 
or  else  I  could  not  have  said  I  disliked  it. 

Q.  You  signed  it  notwithstanding  ? 

A.  I  did  sign  it  notwithstanding,  and  I  have  given  my  reasons 
for  it*. 

Q.  Did  it  not  contain  an  agreement,  not  to  import  from  Great 
Britain  into  America  the  goods  which  miglit  legally  have  been 
imported,  or  to  export  those  which  might  legally  have  been 
exported  to  Great  Britain  ? 

A.  The  substance  of  the  Association  is  really  out  of  my  mind. 
— I  suppose  it  did. — I  am  ready  to  answer  all  questions,  although 
they  may  tend  to  criminate  myself,  if  the  Committee  approve 
of  it. 

Q.  Whether  this  Association  did  not  contain  a  resolution  that 
they  would  never  have  any  connection  with  any  merchant  that 
made  such  importation  or  exportation  ? 

A.  I  don't  recollect  any  one  particular  article  of  the  Associa- 
tion.   If  the  honourable  Member  will  give  me  the  paper  in  his 


;  i 


*  Many  of  the  introductory  sentiments  contained  in  tlie  association  agreement 
wore  used  by  tlie  Congress  on  various  otlier  occasions. — Mr.  Galloway  must  have 
a  very  tenacious  and  extensive  memory  to  have  recollected  particular  sentiments 
contained  in  a  particular  paper,  which  he  had  not  read  in  the  course  of  five  years. 
If  he  had  recollected  that  the  clauses  mentioned  in  the  question  were  in  the 
agreement,  he  could  have  no  motive  to  deny  it,  as  he  know  the  agreement  must 
prove  whether  they  were  in  it  or  not. 


64 


hand,  which  I  suppose  contaius  the  Association,  I  will  inform 
hiin. 

Q.  Whether  that  Association  was  not  to  continue  until  seve- 
ral acts  of  parliament  were  repealed  ? 

A.  It  is  very  probable  it  mi^^lit. — I  don't  recollect  when  the 
Association  expired,  nor  tiie  terms  upon  which  it  was  to  expire. 
— The  Association  is  a  public  paper,  and  will  speak  for  itself. 

Q.  Do  3'()u  think,  if  such  resolutions  be  contained  in  the 
Association,  they  are  agreeable  to  law  ? 

A.  I  am  ready  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the  law,  with 
respect  to  that  matter,  whenever  lam  called  upon. 

Q.  Did  you  not  sit  in  the  Committee  of  Grievances  ? 

A.  I  sat  in  the  Grand  Committee  that  were  appointed  to  state 
the  grievances,  and  pro])ose  the  Plan  of  Accommodation  with 
Great  Britain. — It  was  one  Committee. 

Q.  Did  not  that  Committee  como  to  a  resolution  that  three 
statutes,  viz.  The  Boston  Port  Bill,  the  Massachuset's  Charter 
Bill,  and  the  Act  for  tlio  Impartial  Administration  of  Justice, 
are  impolitic,  unjust,  and  cniel,  as  Avell  as  unconstitutional,  and 
most  dangerous  and  destructive  oi'  American  rights? 

A.  They  did,  I  believe,  but  not  with  my  approbation;  because 
I  thought  then,  and  think  still,  there  were  sufficient  grounds  for 
making  those  acts. 

Q.  Did  you  declare  that  in  Congress  ? 

A.  I  don't  knu\v  that  I  did — 1  do  not  recollect. — It  is  very 
possible  I  might ; — I'or  1  did  in  Congress  things  equally  dis- 
agreeable to  the  violent  ])arty— insomuch  that  they  sent  me  a 
halter,  with  a  letter  attending  it,  threatening  to  put  me  to  death 

if  I  did  not  make  use  of  it. This  much  I  can  say,  that  there 

was  no  violent  measure  proposed  in  it,  that  I  did  not  oppose, 
and  to  which  I  did  not  insist  upon  leave  to  enter  my  protest, 
which  was  denied  me.* 


*  [In  Homo  1)1'  tlio  iiewppapcrs  of  the  clay  arc  to  be  foiiml  violent  and  scurrilous 
attacUw  (i!i  Mr.  (jullowiiy,  in  fionio  of  wliich  Iiviiguiigc  too  obscene  for  print  is 
used.     (/•;.  ff.,  J'riini'ljli'amn  Packet,  May  27,  1777,  copying  from  tlie  (Ja^cltr  of 


i;! 


r)6 


Q,  Who  sent  that  lialtor  and  its  acconi])aninients  ?  "Was  the 
letter  signed  by  Charles  Thompson,  Peyton  Randolph,  or  by 
any  other  Member  of  Congress  ? 

A.  I  don't  know  positively  who  sent  it;  it  was  some  infamous 
assassin,  I  presume,  on  tlie  part  of  the  violent  part  of  the  Con- 
gress.— It  was  rejiorted  that  two  ^Members  of  the  Congress  were 
concerned  in  it ;  but  as  I  don't  know  the  fact,  I  don't  mention 
their  names. — The  letter  was  anouimous.* 

Q.  Do  you  know  that  you  oflen^d  your  protest  on  that  ques- 
tion of  the  resolves  concerning  the  three  statutes  ? 

A.  I  don't  remember  that  particularly,  more  than  in  the  course 
of  the  other  parts  of  my  conduct. 

Q.  Do  you  remember  that  the  Congress  came  to  a  resolution, 
that  the  dutiful,  hunible,  loyal,  and  reasonable  petitions  of  their 
Assemblies  to  the  Crown  for  redress  have  been  repeatedly  treated 
with  contem})t  by  liis  Majesty's  ^Ministers  of  State  ? 

A.  I  really  don't  recollect  that  they  came  to  such  a  particular 
resolution. — Possibly  they  might,  and  it  is  very  probable  they 
did. — I  have  not  read  over  the  proceedings  of  Congress  since  I 
left  it. 


1>i 


Mny  14.)  Amongst  other  things,  it  is  said  (Purkel,  Jnnuary  21,  1778):  "It  is 
"owing  to  your  poisonous  inriuencc  that  Gov.  Franklin  has  talcen  part  against  his 
"country,  and  now  suffers  in  disgrace;  and  that  his  amiable  hidy  is  brought  to 
"misery  and  disgrace."  The  falsity  of  these  charges  may  be  inferred  from  the 
letter  of  the  New  Jersey  Convention,  on  which  was  based  the  resolution  i>f  Con- 
gress, June  24,  1770,  ordering  Gov.  Franklin  into  the  custody  of  Gov.  Trumbull; 
and  also  from  the  "affectionate"  terms  in  which  Gov.  Franklin  (an  extract  from 
one  of  whose  letters  is  gi\;cu,  ante,  p.  J)  addresses  Mr.  Galloway.] 
*  [This  hulter  is  thus  immortalized  in  "  McFingal:" — 

"Did  you  not,  in  a  vilo  and  shallow  way, 
"Fright  our  poor  Pliilnilulphiiiii,  (iulloway, 
"  Vuur  Congroii-',  when  tlio  loynl  riliiiUl, 
"  Ik'lietl,  benitoil,  ami  bcsi.'ril)blo(l  ? 
"  What  ropes  and  halters  did  you  send, 
"Terril'ic  eiiiblciii.s  of  his  end, 
"Till,  li'iist  lieM  linn;;  in  nmro  tliiin  (■ffi.f.'v, 
"  Fled  in  a  fog  tlio  IrembliMi;  refugee  ?" 

rrumhuiri  Works,  ii.  'J'J.     Hartford,  1820.] 


:'  i 


W  i 


III 


1 


;!  il 


M 


56 


If. 
*  • 


it.'. 


Q.  Did  they  come  to  a  resolution,  that  the  keeping  a  stJinding 
army  in  the  colonies  in  time  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Legislature  of  thai  colony  in  which  such  army  is  kept,  is  against 
law? 

A.  They  did. — I  remember  it. 

Q.  Do  you  think  that  is  agreeable  to  law  ? 

A.  I  have  no  delicacy  in  answering  that  question. — But,  as  a 
lawyer,  I  would  wish  to  consider  questions  of  law  before  I  give 
an  opinion. — I  ever  made  it  my  i)ractice  in  matters  of  much  less 
consequence  than  the  present. 

Q.  Did  you  in  that  question  vote  before  you  had  considered 
it? 

A.  I  imagine  not. — I  must  have  considered  it  in  the  course 
of  the  debate. 

Q.  Have  you  forgot  what  you  thought  of  it  at  that  time ; 
whether  you  then  considered  it  as  a  true  or  a  false  proposition  ? 

A.  I  really  don't  recollect  what  I  thought  of  it ;  and  I  should 
wish  to  consider  it  before  I  give  my  opinion  now :  was  it  pro- 
posed to  me  out  of  this  Ilouse,  with  a  fee  for  my  advice,  I  should 
choose  to  reconsider  it. 

Q.  Whether  the  ten  resolutions  come  to  by  the  Congress  in 
consequence  of  a  report  from  the  Grand  Committee,  which  they 
demanded  as  their  indubitable  rights  and  liberties,  are  not  en- 
tered in  the  journals  as  being  passed  Neviinc  Contradiceiitt? 

A.  I  don't  recollect,  at  this  time,  how  they  were  entered;  but 
this  I  know,  that  many  resolutions  of  Congress,  when  they  were 
published,  1  found  them  entered  unanimously,  and  Nanhic  C<yii- 
tradicenk;  when  they  wore  not  so  as  to  the  individual  Members. 
— The  votes  of  the  Congress  were  taken  by  colonies;  some  of 
the  colonies  were  represented  by  nine  Members;  some  by  seven; 
some  by  five;  and  some  by  three;  and  whenever  a  majority  of 
tlio  ^lembers,  representing  a  colony,  was  for  a  question,  it  counted 
one;  although  four  out  of  tlie  nine  were  expressly  against  the 
question ;  and  when  all  the  colonies  gave  a  vote  in  this  way  in 
the  aflirmative  or  negative,  it  was  entered  unanimously,  or  iVew. 


57 


Cmu ;  although  in  some  instances  there  were  one-third  of  tlie 
Members  present  against  the  (|uestiou  earried. 

Q,  Do  you  recollect  that  tliese  ten  resolutions,  which  were 
considered  by  the  Congress  as  their  Bill  of  rights,  met  with  any 
considerable  opposition  ? 

A.  They  did  meet  with  a  very  considerable  opposition. — The 
Committee  sat  near  three  weeks.  The  gentlemen  who  drew 
with  me  in  opposition  perplexed  the  proposals  mude  by  the 
violent  party,  as  we  acted  entirely  on  the  defensive ; — so  that 
they  did  not  come  to  a  single  resc^lution  for  better  than  a  fort- 
night, neither  in  stating  their  rights  or  their  grievances. — And, 
as  well  as  I  can  recollect,  the  Grand  Committee  did  not  deter- 
mine on  those  resolutions. — To  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  the 
Committee  was  dissolved  before  they  were  voted,  and  that  owing 
to  the  opposition  these  resolves  met  with. 

Q.  Did  you  give  any  considerable  opposition  to  those  resolu- 
tions, on  the  report,  to  the  whole,  or  to  which  of  them  ? 

A.  I  have  not  one  single  one  of  them  in  my  memory  now ; 
so  I  cannot  say  which  I  opposed,  and  which  not. 

Did  you  oppose  any  of  them  on  the  report  ? 

A.  I  did  make  an  opposition  to  some  of  them,  I  make  no 
doubt,  but  I  can't  say  which. 

Q.  Are  you  positive  you  made  any  opposition  to  any  of  them  ? 

A.  If  1  could  see  the  ten  resolutions,  I  could  answer — other- 
wise not. 

\_He  looks  over  the  resolutions  in  a  printed  hook.] 

I  o})posed  the  1st  and  the  4th. — The  2d  and  3d  I  don't  recol- 
lect.—The  5th  I  did  not,  nor  the  Gth. — The  7th  I  don't  recollect. 
— The  8th  I  must  have  opposed. — I  was  of  a  contrary  opinion 
to  the  9tli,  and  believe  I  opposed  it. — As  to  the  10th,  I  don't 
recollect. 

Q.  Are  they  not  all  greui  fundamental  points  concerning  the 
principles  of  the  British  constitution,  which  you  as  a  lawyer 
nmst  have  frequently  considered  ? 
8 


I    ! 


1 :; 


!^ 


!i    ■! 


,.  "is 

■hi 


I  I 


J 


58 

A.  I  may  Lave  considered  them,  but  I  don't  know  how  fre- 
quently. 

Q.  Did  not  you  think  yourself  particularly  called  upon  at 
that  time  seriously  to  attend  to  tlicni  ? 

A.  I  did  attend  to  them  at  that  time. 

Question  rejK'ated. 

A.  I  don't  know  whether  that  idea  entered  into  my  head  at  that 
time;  I  don't  doubt  but  that  I  did  think  of  them ;  but  I  am  speak- 
ing of  very  particular  transactions  that  passed  five  years  ago. 

Q.  Did  not  the  Congress  come  to  a  resolution  approving  the 
opposition  made  by  the  inhabitants  of  Massachuset's  ]?ay  to  the 
execution  of  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament ;  and  that  if  the  same 
should  be  attem})ted  to  be  carried  into  execution  by  force,  all 
America  ought  to  support  them  in  their  opposition? 

A.  I  remember  a  resolution  to  that  amount. 

Q.  Did  you  oppose  it  ? 

A.  I  did  oppose  it ;  and  I  recollect  particular!}^,  I  insisted  in 
Congress,  that  they  should  sufl'er  me  to  enter  my  protest. — An- 
other Member  (Mr.  Duane)*  joined  me  in  it. — There  was  a  long 
debate,  and  we  were  over-ruled. — AVe  then  insisted,  that  our 
motion  for  protesting  should  be  entered  ou  the  minutes — with 
their  negative. — It  was  refused;  on  which  Mr.  Duane  and  myself. 


*  [The  Hon.  James  Duane,  of  New  York,  was  one  of  the  committee  appointed 
by  the  Congress  of  1774  to  "state  tiie  riglits  of  tlie  colonies,"  &c.  He  "and 
Mr.  Jay,  in  conformity  with  the  known  wishes  of  their  constituents,  were  for 
sucli  measures  us  should  secure  tlie  rights  of  the  colonies  as  then  understood, 
and  yet  continue  them  members  of  the  liritish  Kmpirc."  During  the  Revolution 
he  served  more  or  less  in  Congress,  though  from  time  to  time  withdrawn  to 
serve  in  the  State  Convention  or  Legislature.  His  attendance  in  the  convention 
prevented  his  being  present  in  Congress  in  July,  1770.  After  the  war  he  was 
made  mayor  of  New  York,  and  in  17H0,  was,  without  any  knowledge  on  his  part 
until  the  nomination  was  made  to  the  Senate,  appointed  by  Generul  Washington, 
Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  New  York.  General  Washington,  in  sending  him 
his  ciimmission,  addressed  him  a  letter  of  high,  but  deserved  compliment.  He 
rei^ifined  in  17114  on  account  of  ill  health.  See  au  excellent  Memoir  of  James 
iJiKiiie,  bij  lion.  Samuel  C.  Jones,  in  the  4th  V(j1.  of  fhcumenlarij  History  of  New 
)oik.j 


■     * 


59 

when  we  returned  from  Congress,  gave  each  other  a  certificate, 
dcchiring  our  oppositiou  to  that  question,  as  we  thought  it  a 
treasonable  one. 

Q,  Did  you  continue  to  attend  Congress  after  ? 

A.  I  did; — but  proposed  to  Mr.Duanc  to  leave  the  Congress, 
and  consulted  my. friends  ont  of  doors,  respecting  my  personal 
safety  if  I  did. — Could  I  have  prevailed  on  him  to  have  left  th6 
Congress  with  me,  or  had  not  my  friends  unanimously  advised 
nie  that  my  personal  safety  would  be  in  danger — I  should  cer- 
tainly have  left  the  Congress. — The  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the 
arrival  of  that  resolve,  was  thrown  into  great  confusion  and  dis- 
order— the  violent  party  insisting  that  it  should  be  carried  into 
execution ;  so  that  we  were  in  great  danger  from  our  opposition. 

Q.  Was  not  there  a  resolution  passed,  entered  inuinimouslyj 
that  every  person  acting  under  the  authority  of  the  Massachuset's 
charter  act  ought  to  be  held  in  detestation  and  abhorrence  by 
all  good  men,  and  considered  as  the  wicked  tools  of  that  despot- 
ism which  is  preparing  to  destroy  those  rights  which  God,  nature, 
and  compact  had  giv  n  to  America  ? 

A.  I  believe  there  was  such  a  resolution,  but  I  don't  know 
how  it  was  entered. 

Q.  Did  you  oppose  it? 

A.  I  certainly  did. 

Q.  Was  not  there  a  letter  of  Congress  directed  to  be  wrote 
to  the  people  of  England  ? 

A.  Yes, 

Q.  Did  you  consent  t*^  that  iettor  ? 

A.  I  did  not;  nor  to  the  letter  to  the  people  of  Ireland  ;  nor 
to  any  of  the  general  letters  that  were  wrote  at  that  time. 

Q.  Did  you  consider  the  Congress  as  a  full  and  free  represen- 
tation of  the  colonies  *  ? 


i 


1:1: 


*  Whoever  forms  (in  opinion  of  the  dispositions  of  the  people  in  the  revolted 
colonies,  from  the  measures  of  the  Congress,  does  it  on  very  mistaken  principles. 
The  minds  of  the  p'-ople  in  general  were  peaceable  and  loyul :  the  measures  of 
the  ('()ngrc(<s  were  violent  and  robellious.     These  truths  are  evident  from  the 


:i      I 


60 

A.  I  did  not. 

Q.  "Was  you  freely  chosen  ? 

A.  I  was  clioseu  a  Member  of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania, 


proceedings  of  the  people  nnd  the  records  of  the  Congress.  It  appears  that  the 
iDstruction.s  given  by  tlie  people  who  appointed  the  Congress,  were  only  to  seek 
ffit  redress  of  grieviUK'es,  and  nu  union  between  the  two  countries,  nnd  not  to 
take  up  arms  iu  order  to  establish  iudepcudencc.  TLey  amounted  to  a  prohibit'ou 
against  all  il!ei;al  measures,  especially  such  ns  tended  to  disunite  Great  liritain 
and  America.  The  Congrcsi!,  therefore,  manifestly,  violated  their  trust,  and  acted 
against  the  sense  of  the  people  who  chose  them. 

Neither  the  first  or  any  subsequent  Congress  can,  in  any  sense  of  the  words, 
be  deemed  "a  full  and  free  representation  of  the  people."  In  the  first,  the 
Delegates  of  four  Colonies  only  were  appointed  by  the  Asstmblies,  viz.  those  of 
Massachusctt's,  Connecticut,  Uhode  Island,  nnd  Pennsylvania,  and  these  Assem- 
blies had  no  authority  from  the  people  to  make  such  appointment.  They  were 
chosen  for  other  purposes,  and  before  a  Congress  was  thought  of.  And  as  the 
right  of  delegating  their  power  was  not  included  in  the  constitution  of  their 
bodies,  they  not  only  acted  illegally,  but  without  the  consent  of  their  constituents. 
These  Delegates,  tiierefore,  could  not  be  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  their 
respective  Colonies.  .And  i..  'o  the  other  Delegates  who  were  appointed  by  the 
conventions,  and  in  di.wtricts  by  the  ptv"'":  it  is  well  known  in  .America,  that 
they  were  not  the  representatives  in  many  districts  ^f  "»e  hundredth,  and  iu 
none,  oven  iu  the  most  zealous  and  violent,  of  a  tenth  part  of  the  lej^al  voters ; 
and  we  have  seen  in  the  King's  County,  where  there  are  not  less  than  1000  voters, 
the  Delegate  was  appointed  by  one  person  only. 

The  other  Congresse.-s  have  not  been  a  more  perfect  representation  of  the  people 
than  the  fir.«t.  The  people  having  discovered  at  length  the  design  and  perfidy  of 
their  ruler.s,  and  experienced  the  severest  oppression  and  distress  under  their 
government,  as  well  us  all  the  colamities  of  war,  and  dreading  the  conse- 
quences of  the  iinnatural  alliances  with  France,  have  very  generally  declined 
giving  the  least  ai  1  and  countenance  to  their  measures,  and  withdrawn  themselves 
from  having  any  .share  in  their  appointments  ;  and  being  disarmed,  have  left  it 
to  a  few  violent  men,  who  with  arms  in  their  hands,  deprive  them  of  all  freedom 
of  judgment.  Hence  wo  have  seen,  from  a  preceding  part  of  this  examination, 
that  the  .Members  of  the  whole  rebel  state  of  that  Colony,  and  its  Members  of 
Congress  for  the  year  1778,  have  been  appointed  by  less  than  one  hundred  and 
fiftieth  part  of  the" people.  In  the  province  of  New  York,  at  an  election  of  the 
Rebel  Governor,  who  was  warmly  opposed  by  another  candidate,  there  were  not 
1000  voters  attended,  although  all  in  that  large  Colony  had  a  right  to  join  in  the 
appointment.  And  the  same  aversion  to  support  the  present  system  of  independ- 
ence, has  appeared  in  the  conduct  of  the  people  iu  all  the  other  Colonies. 


I 


61 

and  they  appointed  me  a  Delegate  to  the  Congress. — After  the 
instance  I  gave  the  other  niglit  of  two  men  in  a  large  district 
meeting  together,  and  one  of  them  appointing  the  other  a  Dele- 
gate in  Congress,  and  that  Member  being  admitted  in  Congress, 
I  can  hardly  think,  that  the  Congress  was  a  perfect  and  com- 
plete representation  of  the  Cole  nies, 

Q.  In  what  province  do  you  speak  of? 

A,  Of  New  York. 

Q,  Who  was  the  person? 

A.  Mr.  Boerum. 

Q   Do  you  know  that  of  your  own  knowledge  ? 

A.  I  was  not  on  the  spot,  but  I  had  it  from  almost  all  the 
Delegates  of  New  York. 

Q.  Were  the  other  Delegates  so  chosen  at  New  York  ? 

A.  They  weie  not. 

Q.  Do  you  know  of  another  instance  of  such  a  choice  ? 

A.  There  were  several  instances  where  very  few  people  met, 
compared  with  the  numbers  in  the  district. 

Q.  Do  you  dpeak  of  the  first  Congress  in  which  you  sat  ? 

A.  I  do. 

Q.  What  counties  were  there  ? 

A.  In  the  province  of  New  York,  as  well  as  I  recollect,  the 
Delegates  of  the  city  of  New  York  were  appointed  by  the  Con- 
vention of  the  city  of  New  York. — The  counties  and  districts 
sent  others ;  so  that,  if  I  don't  forget,  there  were  more  Members 
from  that  province  than  any  other. 

Q.  But  they  had  no  more  than  one  vote  ? 

A.  I  have  answered  that  before; — they  had  but  one  vote. 

Q.  Was  that  the  case  in  the  province  of  Pennsylvania — that 
they  were  not  duly  elected  ? 

A.  No  ; — when  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  were  chosen, 
which  was  near  eleven  months  before  the  Congress  sat,  the 
people  had  no  idea  of  a  Congress  in  their  minds. 

Q.  Was  the  election  a  fair  one  in  that  Assembly  ? 


^!J 


I  i 


• 


HI 


.  f. 


ii 


.  ■  i 


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(J2 


M 


"m 


A.  It  was  received  as  such  by  the  Assembly,  and  I  believe  it 
was. 

Q.  Do  you  know  any  instance  out  of  the  Colony  of  New 
York,  of  persons  elected  by  a  very  few  ? 

A.  The  Delegates  of  tlic  Massnchuset's  Bay  were  chosen  niueh 
in  tlie  same  niannci'  as  those  of  New  York ;  but  it  being  a  great 
distance  from  where  I  resided,  I  do  not  know  Avhat  number 
attended  their  elections. 

Q.  Do  you  know  that  they  were  not  fairly  elected,  and  by 
great  numbers  of  people  ? 

A.  I  have  no  knowledge  about  it,  as  I  never  enquired  into 
it,  nor  heard  of  it. 

Q.  Do  you  recollect  what  jiersons  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  other  prt^viiices  with  which  you  are  acquainted,  consisted 
of  in  177-1:  and  177o  ? 

A.  There  was  no  militia  in  rennsylvania  in  177-1. — In  1775, 
there  was; — they  consisted  of  fi  veiy  small  part  of  the  province 
of  Pennsylvania. — Tlie  people  took  up  arms  with  groat  reluc- 
tance in  tliat  province. — 1  tliiuk  the  militia  of  PhilidelplJa, 
where  there  are  near  o(),»J00  sonls,  never  amounted  to  above  15 
or  11)00  ;  and  ii^  the  whole  cou.ity  of  Bucks,  they  were  short  of 
that  nund)er. — I  do  not  think  there  was  a  greater  proportion  in 
the  county  of  Chester ; — three  of  the  oldest,  lirst  settled  Colonies 
in  the  j)rovince. 

Q.  Wlio  compelled  thcni  t<.)  take  up  arras  in  1775  ? 

A.  The  first  militia  W!..s  by  a  voluntary  association,  without 
any  compulsi'-ii. 

Q.  Did  any  associate  to  ojipuse  them? 

A.  1  never  heard  of  any  such. 

Q.  In  no  part  of  Pennsylvania  ? 

A.  In  none. 

Q.  Were  not  such  associations  formed  in  several  other  Colo- 
nies? 

A.  I  believj  there  were. 

Q.  Did  any  associate  to  oppose  them  ? 


^>,      \ 


'  ii 


63 

A.  I  did  not  hear  so. 

Q.  Do  you  remember,  in  that  year,  that  any  great  number  of 
poople  were  forcibly  disarmed  in  tlic  province  of  Pennsylvania? 

A.  I  do  not  particularly  recollect  when  they  begun  to  disarm; 
but  many  people  were  disarmed,  before  the  resolve  of  Congress 
by  the  Convention,  and  before  the  declaration  of  independence. 

Q.  IIow  long  before  ? 

A,  I  cannot  give  a  satisftictory  answer. 

Q.  Was  it  in  the  year  1775  ? 

A.  I  do  not  rcmend.ier  whether  in  the  latter  end  of  1775  or 
beginning  of  177(3— but  I  rather  think  in  1775. 

Q.  Were  they  the  greater  number  of  the  people  that  were  so 
disarmed  ? 

A.  I  rather  suspect  not ;— they  did  not  disarm  those  whom 
they  did  not  suspect  ot  making  use  of  arms  against  them. 

Q.  IIow  n\any  do  you  think  might  have  been  so  disarmed? 

A.  I  really  cannot  say  what  proportion  ;  I  know  they  called 

on  me  for  my  arms. 

Q.  Do  you  think  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  Pennsylvania 
militia  were  compellc<l  at  that  time  to  serve  by  force? 

A.  The  militia  laws  which  were  made  in  Pennsylvania,  I 
think,  were  made  after  that  time  ;~but  I  do  not  recollect  that 
any  of  the  militia,  before  those  laws  were  made,  were  compelled 

to  serve. 

Q.  Did  they  oljcy  those  laws? 

A.  Not  generally. 

Q.  Quakers  excepted,  I  mean  ? 

A.  There  were  Quakers,  fmd  a  number  of  other  sects,  who 
scrupled  carrying  arms. 

Q.  Do  you  remember  the  march  of  Sir  William  Howe  from 
the  Elk  to  Philadelphia— was  you  with  him? 

A.  I  was. 

Q.  Is  it  not  almost  the  whole  length  of  the  province  m  that 

direction? 


Ii 


■M 


Ii 


i 

i 


i> 


u 


p 


A.  By  no  means*. 

Q.  Is  the  province  more  extensive  in  that  direction  than  from 
the  Elk  to  the  Delaware  ? 

A.  Not  iu  that  straight  direction  from  the  Elk  to  Philadelphia. 

Q.  Had  Sir  William  Howe  a  strong  army  with  him  ? 

A.  I  should  tliiiik  n  very  strong  army,  considering  the  force 
in  opposition  to  him  f. — The  force  in  opposition  to  him  at  the 
battle  of  Brandy  Wine,  did  not  consist  of  more  than  15,000 
men,  the  army  and  its  attendants,  including  officers  and  all, 
save  about  1000  militia,  for  whom  they  could  not  procure  arms. 

Q,  How  many  of  the  King's  loyal  subjects  joined  the  army 
of  Sir  William  Ilowe  on  that  march  ? 

A.  There  were  many  came  into  the  camp,  and  returned  again 
to  their  habitations. — I  do  not  know  of  any  that  joined  in  arms 
— not  onf> — nor  was  there  any  invitation  for  that  purpose. — By 
Sir  William  Howe's  declaration,  which  is  before  this  Committee, 
he  only  reLj^uested  the  people  to  stay  at  home. 


i 


*  Sir  William  Howe's  march  was  not  in  a  straight  direction  from  the  Elk  to 
Philadelphia,  but  in  ii  circuit. — He  marched  first  nearly  north  about  sixty  miles 
to  the  Schuylkill,  then  changed  his  route  and  passed  to  Philadelphia,  about  twenty 
miles  in  a  course  southward  of  east. — In  the  first  direction,  he  might  have  passed 
an  hundred  miles  farther  than  he  did. 

t  The  force  of  an  army  does  not  consist  in  numbers,  so  much  as  in  military 
appointments  and  discipline. — The  British  army  had  tlie  best  appointments,  and 
Ida  composed  of  veterans,  high-spirited  jind  perfectly  disciplined  troops. — The 
Rebel  army  was  not  only  very  badly  appointed,  but  consisted  of  new  raised  undis- 
ciplined troops,  commanded,  for  tiie  mo.st  part,  by  officers  unskilled  in  military 
knowledge.  Hence,  we  find,  that  the  Uritish  troops  have  met  with  no  difficulty 
in  defeating  them,  however  advantageously  posted,  and  whenever  they  have  been 
nttiickcd.  15ut  in  the  five  severnl  complete  defeats  at  Long  Itlaii'',  the  White 
Plains,  Quibble  Town,  Brandy  Wine,  and  German  Town,  therv  was  no  pursuit 
after  victory.  This  important  part  of  military  policy,  so  e:isential  to  final  success, 
was  in  every  instunco  omitted  ;  and  the  Rebel  General,  with  the  assistance  of  tho 
Rebel  Staten,  suffered  to  collect  u  id  recruit  his  diminished  army,  to  renew  the 
appointments  lost  iu  battle,  and  to  appear  again  in  force  iu  the  field.  Under  a 
conduct  so  erroneous,  what  avail  superior  numbers,  discipline,  or  appointments? 
Force,  however  great,  is  useless  unless  eserte<l,  and  victory  is  vain  unless  pur- 
Micd. 


!  I'. 


trom 


65 

Q.  If  the  people  were  so  desirous  of  repressing  the  tyranny 
of  the  Congress,  how  came  they  not  to  take  that  opportunity  of 
rising  to  protect  themselves,  and  to  deliver  up  the  usurping 
magistrates  ? 

A,  The  people  in  the  province  of  West  New  Jersey  had  been 
deserted ; — many  of  them  who  had  taken  an  active  part,  and 
been  assisting  to  the  General,  were  obliged,  to  save  their  lives, 
to  fly  to  New  York  for  protection,  and  desert  their  wives,  their 
families,  and  property ;  and  more,  it  is  not  natural  to  think  that 
people  of  property  will  join  an  army  passing  as  that  did,  from 
the  head  of  Elk  to  Philadelphia,  leave  their  wives  and  families, 
and  their  property,  liable  to  be  destroyed  every  moment  after 
the  departure  of  the  army,  without  some  assurance,  or  without 
some  protection  left  with  them — or  assurances  that  the  army 
would  continue  with  them,  or  be  ready  to  protect  them. 

Q.  Is  that  so  in  all  the  provinces  ? 

A.  I  think  it  will  be  so  all  the  world  over  *. 


!  i)    ': 


W) 


*  It  is  truly  absurd  and  ridiculous  to  expect  that  the  people  of  a  country, 
however  well  affected  to  us,  who  arc  destitute  of  arms  or  any  of  the  means  of 
war,  will  rise  in  our  favour,  without  some  encouragement  offered,  or  the  least 
commission  or  invitation  to  do  so,  more  especially  when  that  country  contains  a 
militia  armed,  and  an  army  capable  of  keeping  the  field,  ready  to  suppress  them. 
Besides,  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  had  seen  the  British  army  in  the  possession 
of  all  New  Jersey,  and  its  troops  cantoned  from  New  York  to  Trcntown,  to  cover 
it,  and  no  measures  pursued  to  embody  the  loyal  in  arms,  or  to  make  use  of  the 
well  affected  force  within  it  for  its  defence.  They  had  seen  that  army,  by  one- 
fourth  part  of  its  numbers  of  new  raised  undisciplined  troops,  driven  out  of  West 
Jersey,  and  several  thousands  of  his  Mnjesty's  faithful  subjects  who  had  taken  a 
decisive  part  in  our  favour,  abandoned  to  the  exasperated  resentment  of  their 
enemies.  They  hud  seen  large  bodies  of  loyalists  rising  in  favour  of  the  Crown, 
in  the  several  Colonies  of  Maryland,  the  Delaware  counties.  North  Carolina,  and 
New  Jersey,  unsupported  by  the  British  nrmj',  and  suppressed  and  severely 
punished  by  the  Rebels.  After  these  examples,  it  would  certainly  have  been 
extreme  folly  in  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  circt'mstanced  as  they  were,  to  rise 
in  our  favour,  without  the  least  assurance  of  aid  or  invitation  to  do  so.  It  is 
certainly  consistent  with  all  experience  and  sound  policy,  when  a  General  enters 
a  country  and  wishes  for  the  aid  of  ii  party  in  it,  to  solicit  it,  and  to  give  them 

9 


I      ' 


I   I 


66 


fk 


■  Q.  So  that  the  loyal  pec'^  '•.  are  not  able  to  protect  themselves 
after  the  withdrawing  of  the  a^.ny  ? 

A.  I  don't  make  that  conclusion. — If  an  army  goes  into  the 
country  with  design  to  reduce  it,  and  should  find  it  necessary 
to  make  use  of  the  force  of  that  country  for  its  defence,  after 
the  array  may  leave  it  to  go  on  other  operations;  common 
policy,  and  the  practice,  I  believe,  of  all  Generals  has  been,  for 
the  army  to  remain  in  that  country  until  the  proper  measures 
are  taken,  by  proper  rules  and  regulations,  to  embody  that 
force,  by  which  it  may  be  protected  when  the  army  shall  leave  it. 

Q.  How  long  did  Sir  William  Howe  stay  at  Philadelphia? 

A,  The  British  army,  part  of  it,  passed  into  Philadelphia  the 
26th  of  September,  1777 — and  evacuated  it,  I  think,  the  18th 
of  June  folloAving. 

Q.  Was  not  that  a  sufficient  time  for  the  loyal  people  to  col- 
lect and  arn.  themselves  for  their  own  defence,  in  case  Sir  Wil- 
liam llowc  had  chosen  to  quit  that  place  and  proceed  on  other 
operations  ? 

A,  During  that  time,  Washington  had  as  much  possession  of 
the  country  of  Pennsylvania,  except  the  lines  within  which  the 
British  army  were  contained,  as  any  enemy  could  be  in  posses- 
sion of  a  country. 

Q.  Did  General  Washington  not  consider  himself  as  in  an 
enemy's  country,  and  the  people  as  generally  disaflected  to  him? 

A.  He  did  so  in  respect  to  intelligence,  and  I  boliove  in  re- 
spect to  procuring  provisions; — but  Washington  knew  he  could, 
and  the  people  without  the  lines  knew  he  would,  in  case  they 
attempted  to  rise,  send  a  party  of  his  army  to  suppress  them, 
which  might  be  easily  done,  as  the  people  well  affected  to 
Government  were  before  disarmed. 


the  nccesMRry  uupport  aud  mcanR  of  doing  it.  The  inTitation,  in  all  reason,  should 
come  from  the  Qeneral,  not  the  offer  from  the  people,  ilis  interest  and  duty 
demand  it ;  the  danger  of  their  safety  forbids  it.  If  the  people,  labouring  under 
such  difficulties,  tirt'  to  blame  for  not  offering  tlieir  aid,  how  much  more  so  is  the 
General  for  not  asking  it  ? 


67 


Q.  Was  not  General  Washington  defeated  at  Brandy  Wine  ? 

A.  He  was  driven  oflP  the  ground — which  I  call  a  defeat. 

Q.  Did  the  people  take  that  opportunity  to  rise,  or  did  they 
in  very  considerable  bodies  apply  to  Sir  William  Howe  for 
arms  and  support,  engaging  to  embody  after  that  defeat  ? 

A.  In  a  few  days  after  that  defeat,  Washington  collected  his 
army ; — the  people  saw  Washington  again  in  some  force; — they 
saw  him  march  from  Philadelphia,  round  to  Goshen,  to  meet 
Sir  William  Howe. — That  defeat  gave  them  but  little  oppor- 
tunity to  rise. 

Q.  Did  they  rise,  or  send  a  message,  promising  to  rise  if  pro- 
tected ? 

A.  They  did  not  at  that  time. 

Q.  Did  they,  when  General  AVashington  retired,  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam entered  into  Philadelphia  ? 

A.  I  cannot  answer  any  question  which  may  tend  by  a  short 
answer  to  contradict  what  I  have  said  before,  without  giving 
my  reasons  for  it. 

Q.  Upon  the  retreat  of  Washington,  and  the  entry  of  Sir 
William  Howe  into  Philadelphia,  was  there  any  considerable 
rising  of  the  people  in  favour  of  the  King? 

WiOidrew. 

Again  called  in. 

Question  repeated? 

A.  There  was  not ;  after  the  army  went  into  Philadelphia, 
Sir  William  Howe  remained  at  German  Town ;  and  although 
W  ashington's  ormy  retreated,  when  Sir  William  Howe  crossed 
the  Schuylkill,  up  towards  Reading,  very  soon  after  he  returned 
nearer  to  Sir  William  Howe's  army  about  Skippach  *. 


j 

.:  1 


:i   i 


I 


*  WasLiiigton's  army,  when  in  the  field,  was  seldom  posted  at  a  distance  more 
than  fifteen  miles,  often  within  twelve.  And  during  the  time  the  British  army 
remained  in  Thiladelphia,  his  patroles  constantly  surrounded  the  British  lines. 
He  was  therefore  in  the  full  possession  and  command  of  the  country. 

[That  Mr.  Galloway  was  not  alone  among  the  loyalists  in  the  opinion  which 
he  entertained  of  Qm.  Howe's  inefficiency,  may  be  seen  from  the  following 


68 


Q.  After  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  had  General  "Washington 
any  considerable  army  in  the  lower  counties  ? 

A.  He  had  not. 

Q.  Was  there  any  insurrection  in  those  counties  against  the 
Congress  ? 

A.  There  was  not; — but  those  counties  very  generally,  in  my 
clear  opinion,  from  the  head  of  the  Elk,  near  200  miles,  to  the 
Capes,  would  have  rose  in  arms,  could  Sir  William  Howe,  con- 
sistent with  his  operations,  have  remained  for  a  month  at  the 
head  of  the  Elk,  or  about  Newcastle,  that  covered  tliat  peninsula, 
a  reasonable  time  to  admit  of  their  putting  themselves  into  a 
regular  posture  of  defence,  provided  they  had  assurances  of  this, 
and  an  invitation  ami  authority  from  him  to  do  so. 

Q.  You  having  said  that  General  Washington  had  no  army 
in  these  counties,  was  there  not  a  roval  naval  force  in  the 
river? 

A.  There  was  in  the  rivers ; — but  there  were  militia  in  those 
parts  who  had  arms  in  their  hands,  and  prevented  the  rest  of 
the  people  from  putting  their  wishes  in  execution. 

Q.  Did  they  apjjly  to  Sir  William  Howe,  or  Captain  Ham- 
mond, or  Lord  Howe,  or  any  other  people  in  authority,  for  arms 
and  assistance  ? 

A.  I  don't  know  that  they  made  any  personal  application  to 
any  of  them;  but  I  understood  from  Mr.  Robinson,  a  gentleman 
of  the  first  weight  and  influence  in  those  counties,  who  came  in 
to  Sir  William  Howe  at  New  York,  that  he  had  mentioned  it 
either  to  Sir  William  Howe  or  his  Aid  duCamp,  that  he  would, 
Avith  a  few  men,  land  in  the  Peninsula  below,  in  the  course  of 


extrnct.    Isaac  OgJen,  New  York,  22(1  Nov.  1778,  thus  expresses  himself  to  Mr. 
Galloway : — 

"Thus  has  ended  a  campaign  (if  it  deserves  the  appellation)  without  anything 
"capitol  being  done  or  even  attempted.  Now,  will  the  historian  gain  credit, 
"  who  sliall  relate,  that  at  least  24,000  of  the  best  troops  in  the  world  wore  shut 
"up  witliin  their  lines  by  15,000,  at  most,  of  poor  wretches,  who  were  illy  paid, 
"  badly  fed,  aud  worse  clothed,  and  scarce,  at  best,  deserved  the  uamo  of  soldiers? 
"Bu(  T  forbear."] 


69 


the  fleet's  going  round  to  the  Chesapeak,  he  would  engage  to 
raise  men  enough,  if  lie  was  provided  witli  arms,  to  disarm  the 
Rebels  in  that  peninsula,  and  meet  Sir  William  Ilowe  at  the 
head  of  the  Elk. 

Q.  "Was  that,  or  any  such  application,  made  to  Sir  William 
Howe  when  he  was  in  th';  city  of  Philadelphia? 

A.  I  don't  know  there  was. 

Q.  Did  Mr.  Kobinson,  when  he  made  that  application  for  join- 
ing Sir  William  llowe  towards  the  Elk,  know  that  Sir  William 
Howe  intended  to  proceed  by  the  Elk  and  the  Chesapeak  ? 

A.  I  believe  he  did  not  know  it,  but  I  know  that  he  had 
hoped  or  suspected  it,  because  we  had  many  conversations 
about  it ; — he  hoped  it,  because  he  had  his  family  and  property 
there. 

Q.  What  was  the  time  of  the  first  of  these  conversations  ? 

A.  It  was  about  the  time  that  the  fleet  was  got  ready  at  New 
York,  and  I  repeatedly  conversed  with  him  on  the  same  subject 
in  Philadelphia — when  he  often  regretted  that  he  was  not  put 
on  shore. 

Q.  Was  not  Sir  William  Howe  out  of  the  lines  at  the  battle 
of  Germantown  ? 

A.  Certainly  he  was  ;  it  was  about  four  miles  from  the  lines 
to  Sir  William  Howe's  head  quarters. 

Q,  Was  there  at  that  time  an  insurrection  in  his  favour,  or 
any  considerable  invitation  ? 

A.  I  did  not  hear  of  any. 

Q.  How  many  inhabitants  were  there  in  the  city  of  Philadel- 
phia ? 

A.  I  have  said,  about  21,()00  when  he  went  into  the  city, 

Q.  How  many  did  the  Provincial  corps,  formed  by  Sir  Wil- 
Yxm  Howe,  during  all  his  residi.nice  in  Pennsylvania,  consist  of? 

A.  I  really  cannot  tell  the  exact  numbers. — There  were  two 
troops  of  light  horse  raised,  and  I  forget  whether  there  was  not 
a  third.  Tliere  were  commissions  for  raising  three  regiments, — 
how  many  those  regiments  contained,  I  cannot  tell. 


iii 


?  f 


70 


Q.  How  many  rank  and  file  were  there — were  there  one 

thousand  ? 

A.  I  believe  not. 

Q.  What  is  the  reason  why  you,  who  are  of  the  law,  recollect 
so  well  the  military  transactions  of  Sir  "William  Howe,  and 
forget  so  many  civil  and  legal  matters  that  fell  within  your 
cognizance  while  you  was  a  member  of  the  Congress. 

A.  I  have  kept  a  journal,  Avhich  I  can  produce  to  the  House, 
from  the  time  I  left  my  own  family,  to  the  time  I  entered  Phila- 
delphia, in  which  I  can  shew  the  distance,  latitude,  the  wind 
and  the  weather,  during  the  whole  voyage  round,  and  other 
material  transactions. 

Q.  Why  did  you  not  keep  a  journal  or  minutes  of  your  pro- 
ceedings in  Congress,  so  far  as  related  to  yourself,  your  own 
conduct  and  opinions  ? 

A.  I  have  a  great  many  minutes  of  my  proceedings  in  Con- 
gress— short  minutes  on  separate  papers — notes  that  I  spoke 
from;  but  I  have  never  looked  over  those  minutes  since, — nor 
did  I  think  of  malving  a  journal,  at  that  time,  of  the  proceedings 
of  Congress. — I  had  not  that  leisure  at  that  time  which  I  had 
when  I  made  my  other  journal. 

Q.  Was  you  kindly  received,  protected,  and  promoted  to  an 
office  of  trust  and  confidence  by  Sir  William  Howe  ? 

A.  I  was  received  by  Sir  William  Howe  with  politeness,  and 
at  his  request  I  held  the  office  (after  considering  it  four  days)  of 
Superintendant  of  the  Police  of  Philadelphia. 

Q.  Have  you  not  lived  in  intinaacy  with  Sir  William  Howe, 
frei;[ueutly  dining  with  each  other  ? 

A.  I  have  frequently  dined  with  Sir  William  Howe,  and  Sir 
William  Howe  dined  once  with  me;  but  never  was  at  my  house 
but  once  besides,  though  we  lived  next  door  to  each  other. 

Q.  Did  you  make  any  coini)laint  of  incivility  or  uukindness 
from  Sir  William  lluwe  whilst  you  was  in  America? 

A.  No — I  don't  recollect  I  did,  nor  have  I  said  that  he  ever 
treated  mc  with  uukindness.    The  business  that  was  done  be- 


Is 


71 


there  ono 


w,  recollect 
nowe,  and 
dthin  your 
s. 

the  House, 
tered  Phila- 

e,  the  wind 
I,  and  other 

)f  your  pro- 

f,  your  ov«rn 

ings  in  Con- 
hat  I  spoke 
}  since, — nor 
!  proceedings 
which  I  had 

3inoted  to  an 
re? 

oliteness,  and 
four  days)  of 

''illiam  IIowc, 

lowe,  and  Sir 
s  at  my  house 
ich  other, 
or  unkindnesa 
ica? 
that  he  ever 
was  done  be- 


tween Sir  William  Howe  and  myself,  respecting  his  military 
operations,  was  done  entirely  by  his  Aid  du  Camps.  "When  I 
came  into  him  from  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  I  had  no 
personal  conversation  with  him,  or  not  for  above  eight  or  ten 
minutes,  respecting  the  state  of  that  province,  nor  ever  anv 
other  personal  conversation  with  him  respecting  the  state  of  the 
Colonies  in  general. 

Q.  Had  you  a  great  property  in  America  before  those  troubles, 
and  is  it  n^^w  in  your  possession,  or  of  your  attorney  ? 

A.  I  had  very  considerable  property  in  America  before  the 
troubles.  I  have  said  before,  my  life  was  attainted  by  an  Act 
of  Assembly  of  the  Rebel  States,  and  my  property  confiscated. 
My  estate  was  not  short  of  40,000?.  Sterling,  on  a  moderate 
valuation,  before  these  troubles  begun. 

Q.  Have  you  any  hopes  of  recovering  it  but  by  the  success 
of  his  Majesty's  arms  ? 

A.  Without  that  co-operation,  I  have  no  hopes  of  recovering 
it, 

Q.  Do  you  receive  any  allowance  from  Government  ? 

A.  I  do — but  a  very  small  pittance,  compared  with  what  I 
have  sacrificed  for  Government, 

Q.  Is  it  for  life,  or  during  pleasure  ? 

A.  I  know  not,  for  I  never  looked  or  enquired  into  the  ap- 
pointment. 

Q.  {by  Lord  Iloice)  Don't  you  remember  coming  to  Lord 
Howe's  quarters  in  Philadelphia  a  short  time  before  the  town 
was  evacuated,  to  ask  his  advice,  how  it  would  be  best  for  you 
to  proceed  on  that  occasion  ? 

A.  I  do. 

Q.  Did  not  Lord  Howe  recommend  your  staying  in  Philadel- 
phia, if  you  should  find  it  could  be  done  with  safety  ? 

A.  He  did. 

Q.  Did  not  you  then  profess,  that  great  attention  had  been 
shewn  by  Lord  Howe  and  General  Howe  to  your  person  and 
services  antecedent  to  that  period  ? 


1 1; 


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■i. 


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( .' 


t  \ 


■ii 


;  ^1 


.^ 


/ 


72 

A.  I  don't  reoolloct  it.  Soinetliin;.j  mifflit  drop  from  me  to 
Lord  IIowc,  respecting  lii.  confidonct,  tiiid  his  attention  to  my 
fixmily ;  but  us  to  any  attention  to  my  services  paid  by  his  Lord- 
ship's honourable  Brother,  I  don't  recollect  that  anything  passed 
from  mo  with  respect  to  that,  and  I  'un  inclined  to  think  that 
nothing  did  ;  because  the  services  that  I  performed..  1  thought, 
deserved  as  much  as  I  received,  and  more*. 


I* 


*  While  others,  from  very  low  circumstances,  were  amassing  immense  fortunes 
under  the  General,  Mr.  GiilUiway,  for  nil  his  extensive  and  very  important  ser- 
vices, was  allowtil  only  at  the  rate  of  liOO/.  per  annum  for  the  first  year,  and  for 
the  other  six  montlis  at  the  rate  of  (iCio/,  So  that  all  he  ever  received  from  the 
General  amounted  to  the  small  sum  of  637/.  10s.  paid  out  of  the  public  purse; 
and  as  the  receipt  of  this  sum  has  been  mentioned  to  invalidate  his  credit,  it  is 
but  just  that  we  should  give  a  brief  account  of  the  services  he  performed"for  it, 
AVhile  he  remained  at  New-York,  he  was  assiduous  in  procuring  intelligence  of  the 
state  of  the  Middle  Colonies,  the  rebel  force,  and  of  the  water-guard  in  tiie  river 
Delaware,  &c.  V.'hcn  at  Philadelphia,  he  accepted  the  offices  of  Suj"  'ndant 
of  the  Police,  of  the  Port,  and  of  the  prohibited  Articles — offices  ■whicu,  being 
founded  entirely  on  new  principles,  and  being  of  the  first  importance  to  the  in- 
habitants, as  well  as  the  British  service,  required  a  great  diversity  of  attention 
and  inces.saut  application.  He  also  superintended  the  avenues  of  the  British  lines, 
appointing  persons  acijuainted  with  the  people  passing  them,  wliosc  report  he 
received  every  evening.  On  him  the  General,  in  a  great  measure,  relied  for  in- 
telligence. ]lis  diffusive  knowledge  of  the  Middle  Colonies,  his  influence  and 
popularity,  enabled  him  to  procure  the  best.  He  was  applied  to  and  consulted 
on  business  in  almost  all  the  general  and  different  departments  of  the  army :  by 
the  Qunrter-Mastcr-General,  to  procure  guides  and  horses  for  the  army  ;  by  the 
Commissary-General  of  Provisions,  to  procure  magazines  of  forage  ;  by  the  Chief 
Engineer,  to  furnish  workmen  for  the  lines ;  and  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  to  stop  out 
the  water  on  Blakeley's  and  the  Province  Islands — a  work,  which  was  thought  at 
first  impracticable  in  any  reasonable  time,  and  which  he  performed  in  six  days, 
and  witiiout  which  it  was  impossible  to  erect  the  batteries  against  Mud-Island 
fort.  He  offered  to  raise  a  regiment  of  American  light-horse,  but  received  a 
warrant  for  raising  only  a  troop.  These,  in  a  short  time,  he  had  perfectly  dis- 
ciplined fit  for  action.  He  also  embodied  eighty  refugees  from  the  county  ho 
lived  in,  who  served  the  Crown  as  volunteers,  receiving  neither  pay  nor  clothing. 
Having  obtained  '"a'-e  to  ojierate  with  these  two  corps,  he  kept  them  constantly 
executing  plans  formed  by  himself.  Knowing  that  Washington's  army  was  in 
great  distress  for  want  of  clothing,  and  that  he  had  seized  all  the  cloth  in  Bucks 
county,  which  was  making  up  for  his  army  at  Newtown,  a  village  distant  near  thirty 


to 


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liat 
rlit, 


Lines 
scr- 


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\ 


Q.  Wiis  not  great  attention  paid  to  your  distressed  situation 
subse(|uent  tu  the  time  that  has  been  named,  until  Lord  Ilowo 
left  America  ?* 

A.  Just  before  the  city  of  Philadelphia  was  evacuated,  I  re- 
ceived from  Sir  William  Howe's  Secretary  twenty  shillings  a 
day,  allowed  me  from  tlie  time  I  came  in  to  Sir  William  llowo 
to  that  time,  as  I  uuilcrstood,  out  of  the  public  money. 

miles  from  the  British  lines,  he  sent  out  twenty-four  of  this  troop,  nnd  fourteen 
of  the  Volunteer!-,  to  take  it.  This  they  iierfunncd  in  less  thirn  li4  hours;  and, 
lifter  hiiviuf;  stormed  two  rebel  posts,  killed  eight  men,  taken  ii  nnijor  and  several 
other  otlicers  and  prisniurs,  niiiking  in  the  whole  thirty-two,  they  returned  with 
the  cloth.  He  next  meditated  an  expedition  against  Bristol  with  forty  horse  and 
fifty  volunteers  ;  but  receiving  intelligence,  that  upwards  of  two  hundred  rebels 
had  taken  post  about  four  miles  from  the  road  to  that  villnge,  he  ordered  Capt. 
lloveden,  who  commanded  the  party,  to  attack  them,  if  he  found  them  there;  if 
not,  to  proceed  on  to  Bristol.  This  was  performed  wilh  the  utmost  gallantry; 
the  rebels  were  (U  Itated  and  dispersed,  twenty-three  killed,  and  eight  taken 
prisoners.  He  also  laid  a  plan  for  the  seizing  the  rebel  (iovcruur  Livingston,  his 
Council  and  Assembly,  sitting  at  Trentowu.  Ills  intelligence  was  so  good,  and 
his  scheme  so  well  concerted,  that  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  success  ;  but  ho 
was  not  permitted  to  carry  this  design  into  execution.  In  sliort,  this  troop  and 
company  were  continually  operating  during  the  winter  and  spring,  under  his 
direction,  in  a  variety  of  excursions,  in  which  they  took  near  two  hundred  prison- 
ers, and  scoured  all  that  part  of  the  country,  between  Philadelphia  and  Treiitown, 
of  the  disall'ected  to  Government.  After  this  short  narration  of  a  part  only  of 
Mr.  Galloway's  services,  the  world  will  determine  on  which  side  the  obligation 
lies  between  the  General  and  that  Gentleman.  ["Seizing  Gov.  Livingston"  was 
a  much  desired  object.  In  a  letter  from  Isaac  Ogden  to  Mr.  Galloway,  dated 
New  York,  Feb.  0,  1779,  I  find  an  account  of  "a  promising  manoeuvre"  for  that 
purpose.  It  failed,  chietiy  because  "some  of  the  [Uriti.sh]  soldiers  went  to  the 
"house  of  one  Woodrufl'  and  began  plundering.     This  gave  the  alarm."] 

*  [Some  of  the  other  loyalists  fared  no  lietter  than  Mr.  Galloway,  as  appears 
by  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  him  in  London,  from  Daniel  Coxe,  one 
of  His  Majesty's  Council  for  New  Jersey :  — 

"New  Youk,  Dec.  17,  1778. 

" I  have  nothing  moin  to  add  as  to  our  own  private  matters  here,  but  what, 
"as  I  hinted  before.  Col.  Balfour  will  inform  you  of,  unless  an  order  from  Sir 
"  Henry  to  pay  us  each  CoO  sterling  a-pioce,  '  in  considi'ralmn  of  our  distresses  hy 
"  /lariiii/  hem  oblii/ed  to  Jli/  from  our  estates  and  jirojierl;/,'  a  pittance  as  pitiful  as 
"the  manner  of  the  consideration  expressed."] 

10 


'!l 


m 


i 


74 

Q.  Whether,  on  your  apprehensions  of  tlic  consequences  that 
might  happen  to  you,  in  case  you  should  be  made  prisoner  on 
your  pasfiage  to  England,  Lord  llowo  did  not  olllr  you  and  your 
family  a  passage  in  his  shij)  ? 

A.  lie  did,  and  I  thanked  his  Lordship  for  it,  and  so  I  do 
•  now. 

Q.  If  on  the  prospect,  at  that  time,  of  your  return  to  Eng- 
land before  Lord  Ilowe,  you  did  not  recpiest  his  Lordship's  in- 
terjiositiou  with  Government,  to  obtain  some  [provision  for  your 
future  support,  in  rewanl  for  your  past  services,  and  compensa- 
tion for  the  loss  of  pro})erty  you  had  thereby  sustained? 

A.  I  don't  reeolleet  any  prospect  of  my  returning  to  England 
before  Lord  Howe.  If  I  recollect  right,  Lord  llowe  would 
naturally  return  bcHu'e  me.  1  don't  recollect  that  I  made  a 
positive  request  to  Lord  Howe  to  intercede  with  Government. 
I  know  that  a  conversation  passed  between  us  on  the  subject  a 
few  days  1  lef  ire  his  Lordship  came  away.  Whether  I  interceded 
with  his  Lurdsni])  or  uot,l  eau't  now  recollect;  but  his  Lordship 
gave  me  to  understand,  tliat  h'^  should  have  it  little  in  his  power 
to  do  me  any  services.  I  believe  very  sincerely,  his  Lordship 
was  disposed  to  do  it. 

Q.  Did  not  Lord  Howe,  in  answer  to  your  ajiplieation,  or  in 
eouversation  about  your  returning  to  England,  advise  you  to 
expn'ss  a  disregard  for  Gen.  Howe  and  Lord  Howe,  as  the  best 
plea  for  obtaining  favour  IVom  the  American  minister? 

A.  I  believe  his  Lordship  did  intimate,  that  he  should  have 
no  interest,  when  he  came  home,  with  the  American  minister; 
but  I  sincerely  declare,  that  I  don't  I'eeollect  that  he  spoke  to 
me  in  the  positive  way  the  ipiestion  supposes. 

Q.  Did  you  not  apply,  before  you  left  riiiladelphia,  for  a  flag 
01  truce,  for  the  purpose  of  your  making  your  peace  with  the 
rebels  ? 

A.  1  did  not.  When  I  made  the  ajii)lieation  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  Col.  Innys,  through  whom  I  made  it,  can  prove,  at  any 
time,  that  it  was  uiy  lirm  resolution  not  to  apply  for  a  (lag  of 


75 

truce.  Col.  Ji.ilfour  several  times  asked  mo,  whether  T  had  got 
a  flag  of  truce  from  Sir  Ileury  Clinton.  '  I  told  him,  I  had  not. 
I  did  not  care,  or  think  it  prudent,  to  tell  him  what  had  j)as.sed 
between  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  us,  resi)ecting  what  I  had  com- 
munieated  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  what  he  had  said  about  a 
flag  of  truce,  as  Col.  Innys  informed  me,  what  he  brought  from 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  not  to  be  understood  as  ofiiciid. 

Q.  l)i<l  not  you  linally  come  away  from  Philadelphia  with 
the  British  army,  on  the  certainty  ofiotsii^g  your  life  if  you  had 
staid,  and  in  hoi)es  of  your  pro]/erty  being  preserved  by  your 
wife's  stay  in  that  city  ?* 


*  [Mr.  Giillowny  married  Grace,  the  daugliter  of  Lawrence  Growden,  a, justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  speaker  of  tlic  Assembly,  &c.,  and  a  granddaughter  of 
Joseph  Growden,  also  a  person  of  consideration,  who  lield  like  important  public 
positions.  The  estate  whicli  slio  iulicriteil  was  called  "  Trevose,"  and  was 
situated  iu  IJuoks  County.  It  was,  I  suppose,  "the  manor  which  Gov.  Pena 
"  promised  mo  in  England,  and  renewed  it  at  largo  before  the  Assembly."  (Ju- 
»tph  Growden  to  David  LloyJ,  "21th3  mo.,  1702.")  It  was  so  called  (says  Proud) 
in  honor  of  the  place  in  Cornwall  fnmi  whence  he  came.  During  the  Revo- 
lution, the  mansion-house  was  sacked  by  the  IJritish,  and  many  valimble  papers, 
deposited  iu  a  small  out-building,  which  also  contained  the  county  records, 
were  destroyed.  [Mr.  Ilennj  rcninfflon's  iVSS.)  Amongst  them  was  Dr.  Franklin's 
will,  and  also  "  eight  (luirc-books,  containing  drafts  of  all  the  letters  which  he 
"(Franklin),  had  written  whilst  in  London,"  (Spar/is's  Fr'in/cUn,  s.  122),  which 
he  had  entrusted  to  Mr.  Galloway  for  safe-keeping  ;  and  though  the  patient  in- 
dustry and  great  historical  learning  of  Mr.  Sparks  have  given  to  the  world  a  most 
amjile  biography  of  that  celebrated  man,  yet,  such  a  loss  is  greatly  to  be  regretted. 

'*  Trevose"  was  not  confiscated,  but  remained  in  Mrs.  Galloway's  family  until 
sold  by  her  descendants  a  few  years  ago.  (J/r.  Paiinyton's  MSS.) 

Of  Jlrs.  Galloway,  whilst  she  remained  in  Philadelphia,  I  find  the  following 
notices,  amongst  others,  iu  the  letters  of  Mr.  Galloway's  correspondents. 

J.  A.  D.  to  Mr.  Galloway,  in  London. 

New  Y'ork,  Dec.  22,  1778. 
"  The  detail  of  the  ravages  and  the  confiscation  of  your  own  estate  you  have 
"undoubtedly  heard.  Mrs.  Galloway,  lam  informed,  supports  the  misfortune 
"  with  amazing  fortitude.  She  enjoys  better  health  thai,  has  fell  to  her  lot  for 
"many  years  before,  and  has  rooms  at  a  widow  Morris's,  ai  I  has  some  expecta- 
"  tious,  but  how  well  founded  1  know  not,  that  she  will  bo  allowed  the  income  of 
"  her  paternal  estate  to  live  on,  and  that  Dr.  Bond  and  his  family  have  proved 


! 


it 


;l 


76 


A.  I  came  awcij  from  riiilaclclpliia,  knowing  that  my  life 
would  ho  tukeu  if  "^  staid  ;  but  I  liad  no  expectation  of  saving 
tlia*^  property  wliicli  I  bekl  in  my  own  riglit.  'Mrs.  GaHowaj's 
cs'.iitc  was  very  considcrabk*,  as  well  as  my  own;  and  she  staid 
v.ndor  an  expectation,  from  some  words  in  the  kaw,  that  slie 
might  retain  iier  own  estate  even  tUiring  iny  life,  and  at  least 
after  my  death:  and  I'or  that  purpose  only  she  remained  behind, 

Q.  Is  she  now  at  rhiladelj.'hia  i* 

A.  She  is  yet  there,  and  informs  me  slie  has  no  expectation 
of  savinL!:  even  her  own  estate. 

Q.  How  long  before  the  army  Idt  Phik'ulelphia  had  yon 
determined  to  come  away  with  it? 


''themselves  her  true  friends,  nud  he  was  exorting  liiinself  tr.  procure  the  ostii'e 
"for  her." 

Joliii  Potts  (wlio  had  been  .Judge  of  l'hilnd..liiliia  Cunmion  Plciis')  to  IMr. 
Galluwny,  iii  London. 

New  YoitK,  Doc.  17,  1778. 

"  The  inclosed  letter  to  Miss  GiiUowny  was  broujTlit  I  •  me  by  Mrs.  I'otts,  ami  a 
"messape  frnm  Mrs.  Oallo-wny,  tli<it  she  hod  iff  Ihe  moul  iliKlnnf  hope  rrmainhh;, 
"but  1  am  inforiiii'd  tliey  have  ]H>nnitti.il  the  dear  lady  to  ha\e  twenty  cords  of 
"  wood  taken  olf  her  estate  for  lier  own  use.  *  *  *  x- 

"lie  pleased  to  fiive  my  most  respectful  compliments  to  Miss  Oalloway  ."mI  Col. 
"I'lalfour  It  will  be  impossible  to  eradicate  the  deep  sense  I  enter  a  !i  of  liis 
"Inst  kind,  friendly  conduct.  Your  jwn  kindiiess,  did  it'ixceed  it?  Kverythiiij;; 
"will  be  done,  which  Mrs.  Ciallowiiy  wdl  direct.  The  pentlenian  I  mentioned  to 
"you  [his  brother,  iSuniuel  I'otts]  will  umlcrtake  it,  if  she  chooses." 

Mrs.  (ialloway  was  at  one  time  herself  com]ielled  to  claim  the  protection  of  the 
I'.uthoritics  atrainst  anticifiated  juirsoiial  violence. — Col.  I^rcnnL,  xi.  lOfi. 

In  17I'I,  Mr;  Oalloway's  only  ciiild,  Kiizabeth,  wiio  liail  married  a  Mr.  Wm. 
Roberts,  visited  "Trevo:;e."  iShe  afterwarils  returned  to  l.nj^land,  anil,  in  a  letter 
written  by  her  iuJanuary,  181 1,  to  a  {rciitlemau  in  Philadelphia,  I  find  thefollcw- 
ing  glimpse  of  her  father's  mode  of  life  in  London  :  "  l''ew  men,  in  the  course  of 
"  a  long  life,  settled  inure  luisinois  for  othirs  ;  and  jierliaps,  seldom  any  one  gave 
"so  much  advice  gratis.  His  niirning-rocm  was  often  crowded  with,  and  sel- 
"doni  empty  of,  Americans,  who  received  fr<'Ui  him  his  best  services  in  their 
"ovMi  all'uirs," 

Tlie  <lisposition  of  his  patcrmil  estate  (as  mentioned  also  in  this  letter),  com- 
pletclv  relieves  Mr.  (lallowny  fi'diii  the  iui]iutat:on  "uf  ucold,  calculating  nature," 
preferred  by  .Mr.  Flanders.     [CliieJ .lustm.t,  lO'i.)] 


77 


's 


A.  I  i.over  bad  a  resolution  or  determination  to  stay,  after 
the  iiotiilcatiou  <A'  its  being  to  Ijo  evacuated.  I  liad  taken  too 
active  a  part  against  the  rebels,  and  knew  tliat  I  could  have  no 
•security  if  I  slaid. 

Q.  Did  you  not  advise  every  one  of  your  friends,  who  you 
thought  could  remain  in  safety  with  the  rebels,  to  stay  in  Phila- 
delphia— and  were  not  Wo  persons,  Avho  followed  that  advice, 
afterwards  put  to  death  '/* 


i 


*  [The  reasons,  e?toei)ieJ  by  the  authorities  sufliciont  for  tlie  cyccution  of 
Carlisle  and  Roberts,  are  given  by  the  translator  ("an  Knglish  gj'.tlcuian,  who 
resided  in  America  during  that  period")  of  "  Ihc  Marquis  of  Clntslcifix's  Travcl-i," 
in  his  note  (vol.  i.  p,  283,  &c.,  Dublin,  1787),  in  which,  "  in  justice  to  America, 
he  gives  the  facts,  the  truth  of  which  ■will  bear  inquiry." 

There  are  reports  of  their  ti'inh-:  in  the  Pcniinylrania  Pnc/,-//,  Nov.  7,  1778,  and 
also  of  the  rulings  of  the  judges,  in  1  JJalkts, ;!'.),  42  (  W'hirtun  s  Ed. ).  The  seventh 
volume  of  the  rennsijlvania  Archives  (pp.  22,  el  seq.),  gives,  together  with  the 
notes  of  the  judges  in  Carlisle's  case,  a  scries  of  memorials,  signed  by  numerous 
cit'xns  of  the  highest  respectability  and  patriotism,  many  of  whom  were  army 
otiicers,  by  the  Grand  Jury,  by  several  clergymen  (amongst  whom  was  Mr.,  iifter- 
'  beneficiaries,"  who  certiticd  "  that  when  Lord  Corn- 


shop 


^•)- 


"  wallis,  witli  an  armed  force,  came  a  plundering  among  us,  the  said  .lohn  Roberts 
"did  use  his  utmost  ende.ivours  to  save  us  from  that  rapacious  hand,"  of  the 
jurors  and  judgi;:;  who  tried  the  causes,  of  their  families,  and  other  relatives. 
" Notwithstanding,"  say.s  the  estimable  editor  uf  tiie  Arc'iirr.^,  Mr.  Hazard, 
"notwithstanding  the  foregoing  strong  and  respectable  petitions  of  judges,  juries, 
"citizens,  kc,  the  pardon  or  respite  was  not  granted,  and,  on  the  -Ith  of  Novem- 
"ber,  the  penalty  of  the  law  was  inflicted  on  both  of  the  unfortunate  men." 

The  loyalists  lnokeil  unon  them  a.s  heroic  martyrs,  and  their  conduct  at  the 
scaffold,  as  narrated  in  the  following  extracts  from  letters  to  Mr.  Galloway,  cer- 
tainly exhibits  firmness  and  intrepidity: — 

Isaac  Ogden,  Counsellor  at  Law,  to  ^fr.  Gallow.ay,  in  London. 

"  Nkw  VdUK,  Nov.  22,  1778. 
"You  may  not,  possibly,  have  heard  of  the  fate  of  poor  Roberts  and  Carlisle, 
"  in  I'ldladeiphia.  They  were  condemned,  '  believi,  before  you  left  their  city. 
"Great  interest  was  made  to  save  their  lives.  Roberts's  wife,  with  [their]  ton 
"children,  went  to  Congress.  They  threw  themselves  on  liieir  knees,  and  sup- 
"  plicated  for  mercy.  Rut  in  vain  !  Mis  behaviour  at  the  gallows  did  honour  to 
"human  nature,  ile  to'd  his  audience  -hat  his  conscience  aci[iiitted  him  of 
"  guilt ;  that  ho  suUcred  for  doing  Lis  auty  to  Lis  Sovereign ;  that  Lis  blood 


A.  There  was  not  a  pcr;5on  who  hvid  taken  an  active  part,  to 
my  kuowlcdw,  but  what  I  advised  to  coino  away  witli  the  British 
army.  As  to  Kobcrts  and  Carhslo.  tlio  persons  to  whom  I  sup- 
pose the  question  alludes,  the  iirst  ntjver  consulted  me  ou  the 
occasion :  he  had  a  very  large  family,  and  u  large  estate,  and 
many  friends  more  confidential  thaa  myself,  with  whom  he  ad- 
vised, and  wlio:5C  advice  he  followed.  As  for  Carlisle,  I  positively 
advised  him  to  leave  tlie  city,  because  I  knew  he  would  not  be 
safe.  I  was  sent  to  l)y  some  of  the  first  men  in  the  province, 
to  know  whether  I  would  advise  them  to  take  the  oatln  of  alle- 
giance to  tlie  Kebel  States  ;  and  I  advised  them  never  to  do  it, 
but  at  the  last  extremity  and  necessity. 

Q.  Had  not  the  other  managers  of  the  police,  who  you  have 
said  declined  following  the  advice  of  Sir  William  Howe  to 
remain  at  J'liiladelphia,  reason  to  apprehend  the  same  violence 
if  lliey  had  staid  there? 

A.  I  tliink  tlu\v  would  have  been  capable  of  making  a  better 
intercsL,  and  tlieir  ])eacc  would  have  been  easier  made  than 


"would  iptio  liny  lie  i\'i(niroi|  at  tlicir  luuids  :  an  1  tiicii,  tuniinp;  to  lilrs  chiUron, 
"clini'gi'il  niid  I'xiiorteil  tlu'iJi  to  roirifiiilicr  his  iii-iiu'ljik's,  I'cir  which  lie  ilieil,  ami 
"  to  adhere  to  them  while  they  had  hreiith.  This  is  the  substnnce  of  his  speech; 
"after  which  he  sutl'ored,  with  the  reaolutioii  of  a  llonian." 

Jatne."  Hiiinplireys.  Jiiiir.  (who  had  been  the  jmlilisher  of  the  I'miifi/lraiiia 
LcJ^/T,  or  Trifi'  U(.ti  il  (liiziUr,  during  the  British  occupation  of  riiihidelphia), 
to  Mr.  <iiilliiwMy,  in  Luudnn. 

"X;;\v  Yoiii;,  Nov,  2:1,  177;!. 

"  lly  the  end'T'^i' 1  ]  .■\per>',  you  will  find  th;it  poor  Knhcits  and  Carlisle  have 
"been  cruelly  nnd  ninsi  waiil"iily  ■■acriliced.  Tlu-y  were  wall'  1  to  the  paHowH 
"  iK'lilnd  the  ciirt,  with  halters  round  their  necks,  attended  with  all  ihe  apjiaratiis 
"which  make  such  scenes  truly  Imrrilile.  and  by  (i  e;ii!ird  of  niiliti!',  but  with 
"very  few  spectators.  I'oor  ("arli.sle,  iiaviiig  been  very  ill  iliirinp;  las  confiuc- 
"  mcnt,  wivf>  too  weak  ti  say  anything:  but  Mr,  Roberts,  with  the  ptrentest  cool- 
"  noss  inii'frinahle,  spoke  fur  some  time;  nnd,  however  t'  .:  mind  shrinks  li.ick 
"and  sitartle:^  at  the  retleciinn  of  so  tra^rical  a  scene,  it  is  witli  pleasure  I  can 
"  inform  yoii,  they  lintii  behaved  with  the  utmost  fortitude  and  composure.  After 
"  tlieir  execution,  their  bodies  were  snIVered  to  be  cnrriod  awiiy  by  their  friend.s; 
"and  .Mr.  Caiii^le's  body  wa.s  buried  in  Frieuda'  liuryiuggrouiid,  attended  by 
"  abuvo  four  tliousimd  iiioplc  iu  procession."] 


79 

.11' .  ,  and  yet  I  have  great  doubts,  Avhctlicr  they  did  not  remain 
in  the  same  jeopardy  I  did,  as  the  great  object  of  the  rebels,  in 
conliricating  estates,  was  to  procure  a  sum  of  money,  and  these 
gentlemen  were  men  of  considerable  fortunes. 

Q.  Do  you  know  if  Mr.  Willing,  of  Philadelphia,  had  his 
pardon  from  the  Congress  V' 


*  [Questions  like  these,  standing  alone,  and  disconnected,  with  bald  replies ; 
neither  ([ueries  nor  answers  giving  any  clue  to  tlic  rcii.'-iinj'lor  jiroiiunuding  them, 
might  possibly  lead  to  unworthy  suspicions  concerning  one  whose  integrity, 
pixtriotisni  iiud  pul)lic  services,  have  justly  commanded  the  praise  and  esteem  of 
his  oountrynieu. 

Mr.  Willing,  as  appeurs  from  a  tiibiite  to  his  memory  understood  to  be  from 
the  iicn  of  Mr.  Uiuriey  [R<iiubUcaii  Catiii,  id),  was  a  man,  who,  "in  all  the  rehi- 
"  tioiis  of  private  life,  and  lu  various  stations  of  high  public  trust,  deserved  and 
"acquired  the  devoted  atl'eetion  of  his  family  and  friends,  and  the  universal  re- 
"  spect  of  his  fellow-citizens.  From  1754  to  1807,  he  successively  held  the  offices 
"  of  Sccret.uy  to  the  Congress  of  Delegates  at  Albany,  Mayor  of  the  city  of 
"I'hiladelphia,  her  representative  in  the  General  Asi^onibiy,  I'njsident  of  the 
"Provincial  Congress,  delegate  to  the  Cnngress  of  the  Confederation,  President 
"of  the  first  chartered  JJiiuk  in  America,  and  President  of  the  first  IJank  of  the 
"United  States.  With  these  public  duties,  he  united  the  business  of  an  active, 
"enterprising,  and  successful  merchant,  in  which  pursuit,  for  sixty  years,  his  life 
"was  rich  in  examples  of  the  iiiflu"nee  of  probity,  fidelity,  and  perseverance 
"  upon  tli^'  stability  of  comnRrcial  establishments,  anil  upon  that  which  was  hia 
"dittiiiguiidied  reward  upiiii  earth,  public  eon^iderati^u  and  esteem.  His  pro- 
"  found  adoration  of  the  Glrent  SLpreni*,  and  his  deep  dependence  on  His  mercy, 
"  in  life  and  in  death,  gave  him,  at  the  close  of  his  ]irotructed  years,  the  humble 
"  hope  of  a  sujieridr  uue  in  heaven." 

To  such  a  conijirehensive  summary  of  his  public  and  patriotic  services,  little, 
except  ill  illustration  or  prcjof,  can  be  .»>idi'(|,  exeejit,  perhai)s,  to  mention,  that 
Mr.  Willing,  who  hud  read  law  in  the  Temple,  allhough  he  pursued  the  profes- 
sion of  a  merchant,  was  u  .lustiee  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  had  occupied  a 


iiy  ^ears  befdre  llie  Kevolutiou,  having  received  his 
17(J1.     As   a  ,ii.'lp:e,  1 


le   was  jmre  an 


1  in(clli;re!it ; 


idnco  on  tiiat  bench  lor  ma 
coiiunission  in  Septcml)er, 
added  to  which,  he  posses.'-ed  an  anienily  of  manner  which  rendered  liini  pii[nilar 
with  the  bur,  and  attractive  in  society.  "  Mr.  W  illing,"  says  John  Adams, 
"was  the  most  sociable  and  agreeable  man  uf  all"  (  W'orh,  ii.  37!t).  No  doubt 
his  judicial  training  had  an  inlhicnce  in  his  conr>e  in  Congress.  Schooled  to 
di.seriminiite  between  conflicting  claims,  in  Avhich  there  was  oftentimes  much 
show  of  right  on  either  side;  accusto'.ied  to  apply  the  grc!it  principles  of  justice 


mn 


SB 


80 


A.  I  don't  know. 

Q.  Dill  lie  refuse  to  take  it? 

A.  1  never  heard. 


Withdrew. 


and  equity  so  as  to  subserve  the  best  interests  of  society  even  at  the  expense  of 
a  present  apparent  hardship ;  this  U]iriglit  magistrate  made  a  conservative 
stiitcsman,  and  thus  was  slow  to  yiehl  to  impulses,  whicli,  though  given  by  liis 
own  party,  were,  or  might  be,  as  lie  tliuught,  liasty  or  premature. 

As  .Mr.  Williiig's  remaining  in  the  city  gave  offence  to  some  of  "the  furious 
Whigs,"'  as  one  of  the  political  parties  is  called  in  a  newspaper  of  tlie  day,  tiie 
following  extracts  are,  perhaps,  proper  to  be  inserted: — 

"Mr.  Willing  and  his  partner,  Mr.  Morris,  had  been,  from  the  beginning  of 
"the  war,  tlie  agents  of  the  Congress  for  supplying  their  n.iva!  and  military 
"stores.  Their  disaflection  to  their  sovereign,  and  their  rebellious  principles, 
"were  proved  by  a  number  of  letters,  intercepted  by  your  nuble  brother;  and, 
"therefore,  Mr.  Galloway  called  on  Mr.  Willing,  in  1"  ''.adelphia,  by  your  express 
"oi'der,  to  take  the  oaths  of  allegiance;  and  altlmugh  lie  refused,  yet  he  found 
"  so  nmcli  favor  in  your  sight,  as  to  obtain  a  couiiternuni'l  of  that  orih'r,  and  a 
"dispensation  from  taking  the  oatii." — .1  Ihpbi  lo  tin-  OLicrralinnis  of  [,ieiil.-(lm. 
Sir  WilUaia  lluwc,  &c.  l!y  Joseph  tialloway,  Esij.  I'hiladelphia.  Reprinted  by 
Enoch  Story,  1787,  Hu,  'M. 

"  At  a  critical  period  of  tlie  Revolutionary  War,  when  there  was  great  danger 
"of  the  dissolution  of  tlie  .\nierican  army  for  want  of  provisions  to  keep  it 
"  together,  a  number  of  patriotic  gentlemen  (in  I'hiladelphia)  gave  tiieir  bonds  to 
"  the  amount  of  about  two  hundred  and  sixty  tliousaiid  pounds,  payable  iu  gold 
"  and  silver,  for  procuring  them.  The  provisions  were  procured.  The  two  highest 
"subscriptions  were  those  of  R(jbert  Morris  for  €10,000,  and  lUair  McClenahani 
"  for  XI 0,000.  Tlioinas  Willing  subscribed  jCo.OOO."— Ai«(//'a  Sat.  Maj.  (18:;i), 
i.  45.5. 

"Mr,  Willing,  and  his  associate  iu  commerce,  Robert  Morris,  as  well  as  his 


'  Lest,  by  any  chance,  this  book  might  liereafter  fall  into  the  hands  of  some 
ungenerous  person,  who  would  be  disposed  to  distort  tliis  phrase,  the  extract  is 
here  given.  It  will  be  seen  that  it  is  from  a  iironiinent  Whig  journal,  and  f^uH 
a  Wiiig  |ien, 

"IV.  Tni:  n  luoi  sWni(;s  injure  the  cause  of  liberty  as  much  liy  their  violence 
"OS  tlie  timid  Whigs  do  liy  their  fears.  Tiicy  think  the  destruction  of  Howe's 
"  anny  of  less  conseiiueuco  than  the  detection  and  p.inisiimeut  of  the  most  iii- 
"signilicant  Tory.  Tliey  think  the  common  forms  of  justice  should  be  suspended 
"towards  a  Tory  criminal,  and  tiiat  a  man  who  only  upcuks  against  our  common 
"defence,  should  be  tomahawked,  scalped,  and  roasted  iilivo.  liUstly,  they  ar«i 
"all  Cowards,  ni.d  skulk  under  vt<\-{'v  of  an  <  llice,  or  a  sickly  family,  when  tliey 
"arc  called  to  oppose  the  enemy  in  the  lield.  Woe  to  that  State  or  community 
"that  is  guvcrued  by  this  class  of  mcu.'" — I'enmylcania  I'ackel,  March  IH,  1777. 


81 


•ew. 


furious 
day,  the 


"  [couucxionj,  Mr.  Clynier,  wMc  all  mciiibcis  of  the  Congress  of  1770.  To  tliu 
"great  credit  and  wcU-knowa  patriotism  of  the  house  of  Willing  and  Morris, 
"  the  country  owed  its  extrication  from  those  trying  pecuniary  embarrassments 
"  so  familiar  to  the  readers  of  our  llevolutionary  history.  The  character  of  Mr. 
"  Willing  was  in  many  respects  not  unliice  that  of  Washington,  and,  in  the  dis- 
"  crction  of  bis  conduct,  the  fidelity  of  his  professions,  and  the  great  influence, 
"  both  public  and  private,  which  belonged  to  him,  the  destined  leailcr  [Washing- 
•'  ton],  was  certain  to  find  the  elements  of  an  ailinity  by  whicli  they  woidd  be 
"united  in  the  closest  manner." — ReimbUcan  Court,  liSG. 

lie  died  January  19,  1821,  aged  cigiity-nine  years  and  thirty  days. 

One  otlier  matter  deserves  a  brief  notice.  Tlie  ijruccedings  of  Congress  in 
regard  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  a  point  in  our  history  not  so  gene- 
rally understood  as  it  should  be.  This  is,  in  a  gre.it  measure,  owing  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  Journal  was  printed,  but  also,  in  part,  to  tlie  fact  that  the 
various  statements,  made  after  tlie  lapse  of  years  more  ur  less,  do  not  coincide  in 
all  their  details,  an  example  of  which  has  been  heretofore  noted  (auk,  7).  The 
facts,  so  far  as  necessary  for  the  purposes  of  this  note,  -eem  to  have  been,  that 
on  the  1st  of  July  a  majority  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegates  voted  against  the 
llosolution;  that  subse<iucntly  one  of  tliem  chana'cd  his  views;  so  that  when  the 
final  vote  was  taken,  Pennsylvania  was  in  favor  of  Independence.  On  the  Ith 
July,  the  Declaration  was  signed  by  Hancock  as  President,  and  Thompson  as 
Secretary,  by  order  of  Congress.  On  the  I'Jtli  it  was  onlered  to  be  engrossed,  and 
on  the  -d  of  Aiigust  it  was  s.)  presented  for  the  signature  of  the  members  who 
were  then  in  Congress,  some  of  whom  had  not  been  delegates  in  July.  On  July 
20,  the  Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  which  had  been  convened  for  the  purpose  of 
forming  a  constitution,  elixned  dclogntes,  wlin  afiixed  their  names  to  the  I>ecliira- 
tion,  tlioiigh  one  at  least,  Uobert  Morris,  had  voted  against  it.  The  reasons, 
which,  as  far  as  I  ch«  gather,  influenced  those  of  the  Pcnnsylvfwaia  delegates  who 
voted  in  the  ncpi»tive,  appear  to  have  been  twofold:  1st,  they  thought  such  ii 
course  most  in  JKXonlancc  with  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  their  constituents; 
'_'d,  they  csKxnu'd  the  measun>  premature  and  iniinilitic  at  that  time,  as  likely 
(and  so  vt  proved)  to  alienate  many  warm  friends  of  Anicricau  rights,  whoso  in- 
flucni'v  was  •>?  great  copscriiicnce,  Imt  who  were  not  as  yet  prepared  to  close  the 
»)«-iv«i  to  all  ucgotiations. 

That  tW  first  reason  had  more  or  less  foundation  in  fact  may  be  seen,  I  think, 
from  Hie  instruiti' -IS  given  by  the  Assembly  to  the  delegates.  Not  only  were 
tlu»*«  to  Mr.  Calloway  and  his  colh'agnes  (<tnte,  -12),  renewed,  but  in  1775 
(Nov.  !•)  the  following  sentenco  was  added: — 

'•Tiiough  the  oppressive  measure^-  of  the  lirUinh  Pai'liament  mid  adminisfra- 

"  lion  'I'vo  compelled  us  to  rcf-ist  their  violence  In   lone  of  iirnis,  yet  we  strictly 

"  enjoin  ynu  thai  you,  in  belnill'  of  (his  CoNmy,  dis'^int  from  iind  nlli'Hy  lejecl 

"  any  propositions,  should  such  be  made,  that  way  cause  or  lead  to  a  Fcparation 

11 


82 

"from  the  mother  country,  or  a  change  of  the  form  of  this  government'* 
{American  Archiva:,  4th  series,  \i.  518).  Language  more  explicit  could  not  well 
have  been  used. 

Thus  rested  the  instructions  until  Friday,  Juno  14,  177G,  when  the  patriotic 
party  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  removal  of  the  restrictions,  and  the  Assembly 
thus  addressed  the  delegates: — 

"  Our  rcstriotious  did  not  arise  from  any  diffidence  of  your  ability,  prudence, 
"  or  integrity,  but  from  an  earnest  desire  to  servo  the  good  people  of  Tennsyl- 
"  vania  with  fidelity,  in  times  so  full  of  alarming  dangers  and  perplexing  diffi- 
•'  cultics.  The  situation  of  public  nftairs  is  since  so  greatly  altered,  that  we  now 
"  think  ourselves  Justifiable  in  removing  the  restrictions  laid  upon  you  by  those 
"  instructions."  And  then,  after  recapitulating  some  of  the  acts  of  the  I'arlia- 
iiient  and  the  King,  which  "extinguished"  their  "hopes  of  a  reconciliation,"  and 
iilter  investing  the  delegates  with  necessary  powers  tv  "form  further  compacts 
between  the  United  Colonies,"  &.c.,  the  instructions  thus  conclude: — 

"Tlio  happiness  (if  tlicse  Colimies  has,  during  the  whole  course  of  this  fatal 
"  CKUtroversy,  been  onr  first  wish;  their  reconciliation  with  Ureal  Drilain  our 
"  next.  ArdtMitly  have  we  prayed  for  the  accomplishment  of  both.  But  if  we 
•'  must  renounce  the  one  or  the  other,  we  humbly  trust  in  the  mercies  of  the 
"  Supremo  Governor  ol'  the  Universe,  that  we  shall  not  stand  condemned  before 
"  His  Throne,  if  our  choice  is  determined  by  that  overruling  law  of  self-preserva- 
"  tion  which  his  Divine  wisdom  has  thought  fit  to  implant  in  the  hearts  of  his 
"creatures"  {Am.  Arch.,  cit.  sup.  802,  863,  756).  The  unwillingness  to  sepa- 
rate, if  by  any  possiliility  avoidable,  shown  by  the  Assembly  even  wiien  "all 
"hopes  of  a  recoiniliation  were  extinguished,"  coupled  with  the  well-known 
wishes  of  a  large  part,  if  not  a  majority,  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  no  doubt 
operated  on  the  minds  of  the  delegates. 

As  to  the  second  reason,  llnberl  Murris  thus  expresses  himself  in  a  letter  to 
("ol.  Joseph  Heed,  umler  date  of  July  '20,  177(1 :  "  I  have  uniformly  voted  against 
"  and  opposed  the  Ueclnriition  of  Independence,  because,  in  my  poor  opinion,  it 
"  was  an  improper  time,  and  will  neither  promote  the  interest  nor  redound  to 
"  the  honor  of  America;  for  it  has  caused  division  when  we  wanted  union,  and 
"will  1)0  ascribed  to  very  dit*ercnt  principles  llian  those  which  ought  ti.  y;ive  rise 
"  to  such  an  important  measure"  (Amerii  -.n  ArrkSi  .«,  h\\\  series,  i.   Hi«i. 

Another  passage  in  this  letter  may  be  4  "<.ted  \m  bearing  on  tlw  lirst  of  the 
above  reasons:  "  I  am  not  for  making  any  sacrific-  of  dignity;  but  otill  I  would 
"  hear  them  [the  Uiitish  ("•  inniissionersj  if  possibl"':  because  if  they  can  oiler 
"jioace  on  admissible  urn:-.  I  believe  the  great  majority  of  .4 mer/ca  would  still 
"  be  lor  lou^ppting  it." 

That  Mr.  Willing  himself  early  .jisceriieil  the  probable  necessity  of  a  declara- 
tion, and  was,  althoiiirli  be  voted  the  negative,  ]irepared  to  give,  as  he  ilid,  his 
»)csl  energies  to  iu  ;upi  mM  »\Iicu  adopted,  i^j  i.howu  by  hi:  i;oiirsi  both  in  and  out 


overnmcnt'* 
Lild  not  well 

lie  patriotic 
e  Assembly 

',  prudence, 
of  rciinsyl- 
Icsirg  diffi- 
hiit  we  now 
3U  by  those 
the  Pnrlia- 
iatiun,"  iiud 
;r  compacts 

if  this  fatal 
Britain  our 

But  if  we 
rcies  of  the 
mucd  before 
jlf-prescrva- 
earts  of  liis 
less  to  sepa- 
.  -vviicn  "all 

well-known 
ia,  no  doubt 


88 

of  Congress,  and  especially  by  his  languago  in  the  debate  which  occurred  many 
months  before  tliat  on  Independence,  on  Mr.  Lee's  motion  "that  the  ministerial 
"  or  parliamentary  posts  may  be  stopped,"  kc. 

"  Willing  looks  upon  this  to  be  one  of  the  oflenslve  measures  which  arc  im- 
"  proper  at  this  time.  It  will  be  time  enough  to  throw  this  aside,  when  the 
"time  comes  that  wc  shall  throw  everything  aside;  at  present  we  don't  know 
"but  there  may  be  a  negotiation"  {J.  Adams,  ii.  4GG).] 


K   I   N   r.  s 


n  a  letter  to 
otcd  against 
r  opinion,  it 
•  redound  to 
I  union,  and 
t  t.   jiive  riue 

iirst  of  the 
(♦till  T  Would 
lej'  can  otier 
'<(  would  still 


if  a  declavn- 
I  lie  did.  Ills 
li  ill  and  (lut 


M  E  M  B  E  11  S 


OF  THE 


SEYENTY-SIX  SOCIETY 


SEPTEMBER  1,  1855. 


Edward  Armstrong, 

Isaac  Adriancc, 

Thomas  Balch, 

Oeorgo  l?ancroft, 

E.  L.BcadIc,  M.  D., 

Ilcnry  Paul  Beck, 

Charles  Frederick  Beck,  M.  D., 

Tliomas  E.  Bctton,  M.  D., 

Luther  Bradish, 

Andrew  Brown, 

Charles  J.  Buslmcll, 

James  II.  Castle, 

William  Chauticey, 

Joseph  M.  Church, 

Joseph  U.  Coggswcil. 

E.  B.  Corwin, 

II.  W.  Cushman, 
Ferdinand  J.  Dreer, 

William  Duanc, 

Samuel  A.  Eliot, 

Samuel  B.  Eales, 

Henry  Flanders, 

llichard  Frothingham,  Jr., 

George  J.  Gross, 

Abraham  Hart, 

Historical  Society  of  New  York, 

Harvard  College  Library, 


Philadelphia. 

New  York. 

Philadelpliia. 

New  York. 

New  "i'ork. 

Philadelphia. 

Pliiladclphia. 

Philadelphia. 

New  York. 

New  York. 

New  York. 

Philadelphia. 

New  York . 

Philadelphia. 

New  York. 

New  York. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Pluladclphia. 

Boston. 

Philadeli)hia. 

I'hiladclphia. 

Boston. 

Philadelphia. 

Philndelphia. 

New  York. 

('ambriilge,  Mass, 


}    » 


1.1 


''  1  li!'      'fs' 


80 

Kcv.  Francis  L.  Hawks, 

Horatio  G.  Jones,  Jr., 

Jolin  Jordau,  Jr., 

Francis  Jordan, 

John  C.  Keffor, 

Leonard  R.  Kocckcr,  M.  D., 

E.  C.  Marklcy, 

^olin  McAllister,  Jr., 

Wardale  G.  McAllister, 

Charles  Magarge, 

M.  11.  aiesschert, 

J.  IJ.  Morcau,* 

Charles  E.  Norton, 

Joel  Parker, 

Joseph  Jl.  Paxton, 

Henry  Penington, 

John  Penington, 

Robert  E.  Peterson, 

Octavius  Pickering, 

William  11.  Prescott, 

William  B.  Reed, 

Nathaniel  B.  ShiirtlelT,  M.  I)., 

Aubrey  II.  Smith, 

John  Jay  Smith. 

Lloyd  P.  Smith, 

Jared  Sparks,  LL.  D., 

Howard  Spencer, 

Thomas  B.  Stillman, 

Thomas  Suffern, 

Joseph  Swift, 

William  B.  Taylor, 

Townsond  Ward, 

John  C.  Warren,  M.  1)., 

Thompson  Westcott, 

Prosper  M.  AVetmore, 

Henry  J.  Williams, 

Robert  C.  Winthrop, 

*  A  iloulilo  fulj.scription. 


New  York. 

Philadelidiia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Now  York. 

Cambridge,  Mass. 

Cambridge,  Mass. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia, 

Boston. 

Boston. 

Philadelphia. 

Boston. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia. 

Boston,  ]Mass. 

Philadelphia. 

New  York. 

New  York. 

Philadelphia. 

New  York. 

Philadelphia 

Boston. 

Philadelphia. 

Xew  York. 

Philadelphi;i. 

Boston. 


! 


